JOHN ARNOTT
(1799 – 1868) GENERAL SECRETARY, NATIONAL CHARTER ASSOCIATION
by David Shaw.
――――♦――――
JOHN JAMES BEZER, CHARTIST
AND JOHN ARNOTT,
NATIONAL CHARTER ASSOCIATION
BY
DAVID SHAW
now on sale at
LuLu.
――――♦――――
|
Little information is available concerning
the personal life of John Arnott, who was noted for being sometime
Secretary and General Secretary of the National Charter Association. His
name comes down to us principally in the reports of meetings of the
National Charter Association, and other associated organisations with
which he was involved during a period from the mid 1840’s to mid 1850’s. Details of the particular events together with their background can
readily be traced in the relevant Chartist newspapers and books on
Chartist history.
It is probably safe to infer that John
Arnott joined the National Charter Association soon after its inception in
1840. His progress within the organisation was rapid, and he was highly
regarded and respected for his efficiency. However, there is no record of
him undertaking lecturing or article writing that would have brought his
name to a more prominent position in the Chartist press, although he did
compose some poems that were published in the Northern Star. From
1853 and the virtual death of the Chartist movement, he is unrecorded. It
appears that he, together with many other official stalwarts gave up that
particular struggle, and supported associated organisations, or continued
with their own personal affairs.
John Arnott was born on the 22 October
1799, at Chesham, Bucks, the son of William and Mary Arnott. There were
another three sons and two daughters in the family, all born in Chesham,
between 1802 and 1807. George, born 29 April 1802; Elizabeth, born 1
December 1804; Joseph and Benjamin (twins) born September 1807.
On the 19 October 1819, he married Sarah
Allen at Chesham Bois. It appears that he resided in Chesham until 1830 –
1835, when the family moved to London.
Census records for 1841 show him residing
at Suters Buildings, St Pancras, with his wife and six children – Alfred
15, b. Chesham; Ann 13, b. Chesham; Benjamin 11, b. Chesham; Emma 4, Sarah
2, and Edwin 4 months b. St Pancras. John Arnott is listed there as a
‘Cordwainer’ [Shoemaker]. Suters Buildings appear to have been situated in
Somers Town in an area between Ossulston Street, Middlesex Street, Phoenix
Street and Chapel Street. Today, now redeveloped, between Ossulston Street
and Brill Place, behind the British Library.
Arnott obviously made steady progress
within the National Charter Association. In 1844, he was a member of the
Somers Town Branch of the Metropolitan Delegate Council. On the 8 June (Northern
Star) at a meeting of the Council he moved that a national petition be
got up by each locality praying for the deliveration of
Thomas Cooper, now
confined in Stafford Gaol. On the 3 August, he took the Chair at a
Delegate Council meeting, and on October 5 at a Council meeting, he was
elected Secretary. His address at that time was given as Middlesex Place,
Somers Town.
On December 10 1844, a well attended
soiree was held at the Literary Institute, John Street, in honour of the
removal of the Northern Star from Leeds to London. Harney,
O’Connor and other leaders were present, and gave many toasts and strong
addresses. John Arnott sang a patriotic song amidst considerable applause.
On January 18 1845, he was elected Secretary of the Delegate Council with
re-election on the 13 May for a further three months.
On the 19 March his eldest son, Alfred, at
8c Middlesex Place, Somers Town, married Eliza Cavell of the same address. Eliza’s father listed as a labourer.
The next year, 1846, was a year of great
cheer for the Chartists. Feargus O’Connor had been preparing his
Co-operative Land Society for a launch that, he anticipated, would place
the Chartists at the forefront of land co-operative for impoverished
workers. Many of the prominent Chartists supported the venture, including
Ernest Jones. John Arnott also gave his support, and provided a poem that
he composed especially for the occasion.
This was an over optimistic eulogy for the
opening celebration of O’Connor’s ill-fated Society (The National Land
Company) to be held on the 17 August 1846. The People’s First Estate (the
first of six purchased and plots issued by shares) was some 100 acres
located at Heronsgate, near Rickmansworth, and was known as ‘O’Connorville.’ It had 35 specially designed properties for cheap rent, and a schoolhouse.
(See The Chartist Land Company, A.M. Hadfield, David & Charles
1970, p.101.) The poem was printed and placed on sale at the site on
opening day, priced 1d.
Northern Star,
August 1 1846, p.3.
Songs for the People xxiv.
The People’s First Estate,
Or, Anticipation of the 17th
August.
Air,—“The days that we went gipsying.”
Come let us leave the murky gloom,
The narrow crowded
street;
The bustle, noise, the smoke and din;
To breathe the air that’s sweet.
We’ll leave the gorgeous palaces,
To those miscalled great;
To spend a day of pleasure on
The People’s First Estate!
CHORUS,—
On this estate the sons of toil
Shall independent be,
Enjoy the first fruits of the soil,
From tyranny set free!
The banners waving in the breeze,
The bands shall cheerfully play,
Let all be mirth and holiday On this our holiday
Unto the farm—“O’Connorville,” That late was “Herringsgate,”
We go to take possession of The People’s First Estate!
On this estate, etc.
When on the farm! The People’s Farm! This land of liberty!
We’ll join the dances and rural games,
With joy and sportive glee,
Our gambols play, throughout the day,
(To scoffers you may prate,)
And leave at night this lovely scene, The People’s First Estate!
On this estate, etc.
May nature shed her choicest stores,
On this delightful spot;
Each occupant be blest indeed,
And peace attend each cot. And may our brave Directors with
The funds that we’ll create,
Live long to purchase hundreds more Like this our first estate! On our estate the sons of toil
Shall independent be;
Enjoy the first fruits of the soil,
From tyranny set free!
John Arnott Somers Town July 27 1846. |
Arnott had earlier
composed a poem for the occasion of the First Annual Festival to celebrate
the anniversary of the French Republic. This was held at the White
Conduit Tavern on April 21 1846, but the poem was not printed in the
Northern Star until some time later.
Northern Star,
19 September 1846, p. 5.
Songs for the People no. xxx
A SONG ADDRESSED TO THE
FRATERNAL DEMOCRATS.
Air—"Auld Lang Syne" |
All hail,
Fraternal Democrats,
Ye friends of Freedom hail,
Whose noble
object is—that base
Despotic power shall fail.
CHORUS
―
That
mitres, thrones, misrule and wrong,
Shall from this earth be hurled,
And peace, goodwill, and brotherhood,
Extend throughout the world.
Associated
to proclaim
The equal rights of man.
Progression's army! firm, resolved,
On! forward lead the van.
Till mitres, thrones, misrule and wrong,
Shall from this earth be hurled.
And peace, goodwill, and brotherhood,
Extend throughout the world.
To aid this
cause we here behold,
British and French agree,
Spaniard and
German, Swiss and Pole,
With joy the day would see.
When mitres, thrones, misrule, and wrong,
Will from this earth be hurled,
And peace, goodwill, and brotherhood,
Extend throughout the world.
We now are
met to celebrate
The deeds of spirits brave,
Who
struggled, fought, and bled, and died,
Their misrul'd land to save.
For mitres, thrones, misrule and wrong,
From France they nobly hurled,
And would have spread Democracy
Throughout this sea-girt world.
Though kings
and priests might then combine
To crush sweet liberty,
We tell them
now that they must bow,
That man shall yet be free.
That mitres, thrones, misrule and wrong,
Shall from this earth be hurled,
And peace, goodwill, and brotherhood,
Extend throughout the world.
Oh! may that
period soon arrive,
When kings will cease to be,
And freedom
and equality
Extend from sea to sea.
Then mitres, thrones, misrule and wrong,
Will from this earth be hurled,
And peace, goodwill, and brotherhood,
Shall reign throughout the world. |
John Arnott
Somers Town,
September 1846 |
The poem was
followed by a similar stirring piece by George Julian Harney, titled ‘All
Men are Brethren’. A song for the Fraternal Democrats.
Appreciative, as many were, of the hard work
and dedication showed by Ernest Jones, Arnott then composed a poem in his
honour, in the form of an acrostic:
Northern Star
17 October 1846, p.3.
An Acrostic.
To Ernest Jones, Esq., Barrister-at-Law
Estranged Aristocrat! What leave the favoured few,
Regardless of fortune and prospects in view,
(Noble Democrat) to join the Chartist
band,
Eschewed, despised, and scouted through
the land.
Such conduct we esteem, nay more, admire,
Thy spirit burns with freedom’s sacred
fire.
Just as the trav’ler pursuing his lonely
way,
On whose dark path meteors bursting play,
Now changing gloom to bright refulgent
day;
Ernest we hail thee, from thy genius
bright
Shines in full power pure Democratic
light.
John Arnott Somers Town. Oct. 12th
1846.
|
[Note: The first
letter of each line forms the name ‘Ernest Jones’.]
The
following year Arnott composed yet another poem to honour Thomas Slingsby
Duncombe (1796—1861) MP for Finsbury, who had petitioned for the release
of imprisoned Chartists in 1842. Duncombe was also sympathetic towards
Louis Kossuth and Guiseppe Mazzini. Mazzini, exiled in England, had the
aim of promoting Italian unity, republicanism and democracy. He was
suspected by the government of being a participant in organising an
attempt at an invasion of Italy, and Sir James Graham, Home Secretary
authorised the opening of Mazzini’s letters.
Northern Star,
March 13 1847, p.3.
A SONG (Air –
with Helmet on his Brow)
In honour
of that indomitable friend and advocate of the Rights of Labour,
T.S.
Duncombe, MP.
Let the base
sycophant Of wars
and heroes sing; ‘Laud the despot’ cringe and bow To Emperor or King: I scorn such
fulsome themes, I sing of the patriot
brave, Duncombe, the
friend of Liberty, And Labour’s worn-down
slave.
CHORUS—
Let all as one
smite, And join in freedom’s
cause, Shouting for “Duncombe
and our Right; Free, just, and equal
laws!”
When the
Whigs and Tories join’d The Labourer to
enslave, Duncombe crush’d their
monster Bill, And consigned it to its
grave. The Post-office espionage Pursued in Graham’s
plan,
Duncombe did nobly upset, And exposed that
hateful man. Let all as one, etc.
The poor in Bastilles
doomed Their wretched lives to spend,— The toiling slaves—the
factory child— Duncombe has been their
friend; He has their wrongs
denounced, He will their rights
demand, And labour would
emancipate From the grasping
tyrant hand. Let all as one, etc.
He will defend the
oppressed, The Irish or the Pole; The deeds of despots are
deplor’d By his patriotic soul. Duncombe they cannot
bribe— He’s honest firm and
bold, And, as the leader of our
cause, His worth cannot be
told. Let all as one, etc.
Let the Tories talk of
Peel, The Whigs of Russell
boast, Duncombe is our champion,
And this shall be our toast:— “To Duncombe and the
Trades, Duncombe and Liberty; To Duncombe and the
Charter, And may we soon be
free!” Let all as one smite, And join in freedom’s
cause, Shouting for “Duncombe
and our Right; Free, just, and equal
laws!”
|
John Arnott. Somers Town. |
Until the virtual demise of the National
Charter Association, the ensuing years were busy for John Arnott. In
August 1846 he had taken the Chair at the first Amalgamated Meeting of the
chartist’s Veterans, Orphans and Victim Relief Committee, and at a public
meeting in October at St Pancras on ‘The Charter and no surrender’, he
read and moved the adoption of the National Petition. In the same month he
was elected a member of the Fraternal Democrats, and referred to at that
time as the ‘Somers Town Chartist Rhymer.’ In October he was appointed
Assistant Secretary to the Veterans, Orphans and Victim Committee, and in
November at the South London Chartist Hall, he was Sub-Secretary. In the
following month his poetry was again noted, and he was mentioned then as
“our respected and indefatigable sub-secretary, Rhyming John Arnott.” His
address was given as 8 Middlesex Street, Somers Town.
Considerable prominence
was being given in the following year to the Chartist petition that was to
be presented to Parliament in April 1847. This publicity caused fears of
violence, and a pseudonymous letter was published in the Times of 1
April in which the writer quoted an announcement by ‘Vernon’ made at a
recent Chartist meeting. In this, mention was made of an intended
procession of between 100,000 to 300,000 persons. The writer of the letter
queried protection of the rights of shopkeepers against the ‘tumultuous
proceedings,’ and that suspension of their business appeared to be an
infliction and a robbery.
This letter was brought to the attention of the
Chartist Committee appointed to deal with the arrangements of the
demonstration on the 10 April. John Arnott, as Secretary, was requested to
repudiate in the strongest terms the language thus ascribed to have been
uttered by Mr Vernon, and to state most emphatically that it was the “firm
determination of the committee that the demonstration shall be peaceable,
orderly, and moral display of the unenfranchised toiling masses.” (Times,
4 April 1848) Arnott’s address was given as 11 Middlesex Place, Somers
Town.
During January and
February 1849 Arnott was Secretary of the National Victims Fund, also on
the Central Regulations and Election Committee, as well as the Committee
of the Fraternal Democrats. On the 3 March, a Public Meeting was held at
the John Street Institute on ‘The Separation of Church and State.’ A
petition was drawn that the Industrial classes are impoverished due to
evil legislation, and have to contribute to the support of a National
Church—known only to petitioners as a tax-collector. Religion does not
need the assistance of the State. The petition, proposed by Arnott and
another member, was to be forwarded to the MP for Tower Hamlets, but
nothing positive came of it.
On the 24 March,
Arnott, on behalf of he National Victim and Defence Committee (assumed to
be the Relief Committee as previously mentioned) made a request for more
financial contributions. He noted that the law made widows and nearly 100
orphans plus the wives and families of Ernest Jones, Peter McDouall and
others dependent on support. Giving 3 shillings each to the widows and one
shilling for every child under 12, left the Committee liabilities of £10 p.w. That week, two shillings only could be afforded to a woman with 5, 6,
or 7 children for seven days.
In August, it was reported that the balance sheet
over 17 weeks showed receipts as £103, expenditure £102. This amount was
divided amongst 31 families (30 grown persons and 70 children), and Arnott
made a further appeal the following month.
London branches of the
NCA met on a regular basis to discuss general and local issues—and it
appears that some of the proposals were destined only to give verbal
support to the overall cause. On the 31 March 1849 Arnott seconded a
Resolution ‘that the present so-called representation of the people is a
monstrous injustice on the nation at large, and a violation of the British
Constitution.’ About this time, it was realised that it would be an
advantage if local groups could cohese and provide general unity within
the movement. At a meeting of the General Registration and Election
Committee, Arnott and another member proposed that a Hand-Book and Guide
to Regulations and Elections be published at two pence a copy, and that
the Chartist Executive be requested to aid circulation. The Metropolitan
District Council to consist of two members from each locality within the
metropolis and suburbs, and to cause a fusion of all whom advocate
Chartist Suffrage, into one united phalanx.
July 1850 was the month
that Ernest Jones was released from prison. He was met by John Arnott and
several others, and the next day the Fraternal Democrats gave a supper in
his honour. Arnott, G.W.M. Reynolds, Bronterre O’Brien, George Julian
Harney and others proposed toasts in his honour. Testimonials were
presented, together with a pair of large portraits of Mr and Mrs Jones. The following day, there was a public meeting at the John Institute in
honour of Jones’ release. Harney took the Chair, with the Executive of the NCA on the platform, and Walter Cooper, Reynolds and others gave
addresses.
Later that month, the
NCA Executive met with a view of reuniting the NCA, Fraternal Democrats
and National Reform League into one body. The name suggested was the
National Charter Association Federal Union—later agreed to be National
Charter and Social Reform Union. This inevitably received a mixed
reception, and caused ongoing dissent.
On the 27 November
1850, the NCA Executive Committee resigned, and votes were taken for
another Executive. The General Secretary was to be paid, while the
Executive were unpaid. Arnott was elected to the Executive, and later was
confirmed as General Secretary, thus replacing Samuel Kydd who was
receiving a salary of £2 per month.
The 1851 census return
for 11 Middlesex Place, Somers Town, gives: John Arnott, 51. Cordwainer,
b. Chesham; Sarah Arnott, 51, b. Bovington, Herts.; Benjamin, 21, Brush
finisher; Emma, 14; Sarah, 12; Edwin, 10.
Arnott’s son, Benjamin,
was married on the 13 April 1851 at Trinity Church, St Andrew to Eleanor
Wilmott, of Middlesex Place. Her father, like Arnott, was also a
Shoemaker, and the couple went to live at 9 Brill Place, Somers Town.
Differences of opinion
concerning the best way to promote the Chartist movement were becoming
more acute in that period. At a meeting of the NCA on the 19 March 1851,
Arnott and Ernest Jones proposed a long stirring address for unity, to be
read at locality meetings. The main drive of the address, similar to one
given as at a meeting the previous year, was to unite disparate
organisations in one phalanx. ‘Henceforth let social co-operation go hand
in hand with political organisation . . . Unite! unite! unite! The convention
must be the PARLIAMENT OF LABOUR! The Executive, the MINISTRY OF THE UNENFRANCHISED!’
Some of the Districts
were also becoming opposed to the leaders of the National Charter
Association, with John Arnott also subject to displeasure. In the
Northern Star of 22 March 1851, Arnott responded via the Editor to
criticisms made by the Radford locality in a postscript item in the
previous issue. He replied:
“. . . the postscript runs
thus—‘We have frequently seen notices from the Executive, stating that
correspondence had been received from Radford and other places complaining
of their inability to send delegates. So far as we are concerned, we deny
such a statement.’
Now, Sir, being of
opinion that the above is calculated to damage the Executive, and to
impress the idea on the public mind that I, as their secretary, have
published FALSE REPORTS, I, therefore, feel it to be my duty, in reply
thereto, to state that I have minutely examined the printed reports for
the last eight weeks, and I must say that Mr. Brown has superior
penetration to what I possess, as I cannot find Radford therein mentioned,
consequently, I request Mr. Brown to point to the reports to which he
alludes, and, failing doing so, I shall leave it for our readers to decide
which has published a false statement, Mr. Brown or myself...’
In another instance, it
had been agreed earlier that the Metropolitan Delegate Committee’s
meetings would include representatives from the NCA Executive. For some
reason, these did not turn up a meeting held in December. A report in the
Northern Star for 20 December 1851 concerning the election of a new
NCA Executive expressed the displeasure of one locality:
Finsbury Locality. Report from the Metropolitan
Delegate Committee: “That this locality consider the absence of the whole
of the Executive from the Metropolitan Delegate Committee meeting as
deserving of explanation; and the General Secretary is deserving of
censure, seeing that it was his duty to have attended the aforesaid
meeting. The locality recommend the new Executive to elect as their
General Secretary a man of known ability and straightforward conduct and
able to address Public Meetings, and that we recommend Thomas Martin
Wheeler— seeing that the inefficiency of the late General Secretary is a
matter of public notoriety and regret.”
It appears that Arnott,
who had family responsibilities and relied for his living as a shoemaker,
acted principally as an administrator and could not afford the time to
lecture, even locally. Lecture tours demanded a considerable amount of
time away, with some expenses not always reimbursed. Arnott was therefore
considered a less active participant than Thomas Wheeler. However,
neither the NCA nor Arnott appeared to have responded to the remarks made
by the locality.
In early January 1852,
the new Executive Committee had their first meeting, during which
dissentions became even more apparent. Harney had declined to stand for
election, believing that the NCA was virtually finished. Arnott was
present, with John James Bezer in the Chair. Arnott read a letter from
W.J.
Linton, in which he stated his belief that it was impossible to
resuscitate the Chartist movement, and declined to sit on the Executive
unless the movement joined the middle class. Ernest Jones resigned. The NCA had for some time developed a strong socialist stance, attempting to
unite the Chartists, the Co-operatives and the Trades into one movement. The Manchester Chartist’s supporters opposed the NCA. Arnott then read the
accounts, revealing a debt of some £37. Unable to pay the Secretary’s
expenses, it was moved that J.M. Wheeler act as Secretary, but this was
not seconded and Wheeler resigned from the Committee. John Arnott then
agreed to serve for one month, but two members opposed the nomination, and
the Chairman’s vote caused his resignation as Secretary, although he
remained on the Committee. Other members were nominated, but declined to
stand. Finally, James Grassby consented to act as Secretary for one month.
In one of a series of
articles in the Northern Star, on January 17 1852, a pseudonymous
‘Censor’, complained that “... the charge of the people’s cause has fallen
into the hands of Messrs Arnott, Bezer, Grassby, Shaw and
Holyoake...” and
asked “if these are the persons who should be entrusted with the conduct
of so important a movement ... knowing how limited were the powers which
such persons could bring to the duties they aspired to discharge...”
In broad terms the accusation was correct, as the
Executive were ruled by dissention, opposition, and decreasing support
from the working classes. Harney had wanted a merger between Chartists,
trades unions and co-operatives, whilst Ernest Jones continued to press
for the NCA as the sole Chartist organisation. This barely viable NCA
lasted until 1858 when it finally ceased to exist.
The apparent
inefficiency of the Executive of the NCA was now blamed for the miserable
state of the Chartist movement, and Arnott and the Executive complained
that the Manchester Council was set up to supersede the NCA. Another
meeting referred to the Finsbury Locality having objected to Messrs Le
Blond and Thornton Hunt having seats (replacing Linton and Jones). James Grassby in response stated that, “We think it a pity that men seeking
political power should have such a vague knowledge of how to use it.”
On the 27 March 1852
The Star and National Trades’ Journal reported a meeting of the
Executive Committee, when the famous statement was made that it was “The
Executive of a society, almost without members, and without means –
members reduced by unwise antagonism without, and influence reduced by
repeated resignations within...”. Despite this, it was later agreed that
Arnott and Bezer and others were to continue in office (probably only on a
temporary basis for three months), and Arnott remained on the Democratic
Refugee Committee up to November 1852.
The situation was similar to that of William
Lovett’s earlier Working Men’s Association that had, in October 1836,
proposed resolutions towards a viable ‘People’s Charter’. Thomas Cooper, Feargus O’Connor and George Julian Harney were members for a time,
including a number of well known later Chartist activists. In 1849 that
Association was in debt, and it was stated that “Cliqueism and dissentions
helped to kill that Association, as in other movements.” (A History of
the Working Men’s Association from 1836 to 1850, by George Howell,
1900. Published Frank Graham, Newcastle, 1970).
In July 1853 the
American and British public were stirred by the news regarding the rescue
of Martin Coszta, a Hungarian refugee from an Austrian ship in the port of
Smyrna. Coszta was residing in America, and visiting in Smyrna on
business. He had stated that he wished to become an American citizen, but
was taken by a party of armed Greeks employed by the Austrian consul
general, and held on their ship. Captain Duncan Ingraham, commanding a 22
gun sloop-of-war, received permission from the US charge d'affairs in
Constantinople to request Coszta's release, or use force to obtain it. This was despite Hungarian ships in the harbour, with firepower greater
than Ingraham’s. It was then agreed that that Coszta be released to the
French consul and from there returned to the United States.
In England, an
Ingraham Testimonial Fund Committee
was formed, with Arnott as Secretary. The Chairman was G.W.M. Reynolds,
with other members that included George Julian Harney, James Grassby,
Samuel Kydd, Walter Cooper and Robert Le Blond as Treasurer.
Ingraham was presented with a medal from the US
president for Vindicating American Honour, and following the subscription,
an inscribed chronometer from the working classes of England.
The 1861 census return
for Arnott’s last stated address, 11 Middlesex Place, shows it as
unoccupied. At the same time, his second eldest son, Benjamin, 30, was
residing at 47 Middlesex Street as a ‘Licensed Hawker’. His wife, Eleanor,
33, was a laundress, with children Eleanor Diana, 9; Elizabeth Mary, 3;
and Clara, 7 months.
John Hollingshead in his Ragged London 1861
(Smith, Elder), mentions Somers Town as being full of courts and alleys,
cheap china shops, cheap clothiers and cheap haberdashers. Wherever there
is a butcher’s shop, it contrives to look like a cat’s-meat warehouse. Its
side streets have a smoky, worn-out appearance. Every street door is open,
no house is without patched windows and every passage teeming with
children. It had a population of some 35,000, and was more industrial than
the adjoining Agar Town, between Euston and Kings Cross stations, that was
referred to as a disgrace. The Midland Railway cleared Agar Town and part
of Somers Town in 1866.
Thomas Martin Wheeler
(b. 1811), was a valued Chartist member, author and lecturer. A strong
supporter of Feargus O’Connor and his Land Plan, he had purchased a plot
at O’Connorville, where he resided for some time. He was elected to the NCA Executive in 1841, and became a popular General Secretary from 1842 to
1846. He died in 1862 and was buried at Highgate Cemetery. Twenty-four
horse-drawn carriages followed the hearse to Highgate, accompanied by a
large procession. John Arnott, who had supported Wheeler’s aims, also
attended the funeral.
According to
W. E. Adams
in his Memoirs of a Social Atom, chapter xvi, “Some time about 1865
I was standing at the shop door of a Radical bookseller in the Strand. A
poor half-starved old man came to the bookseller, according to custom, to
beg or borrow a few coppers. It was John Arnott! Chartism was then, as it
really had been for a long time before, a matter of history.”
Some time after this, probably in 1866, Arnott suffered a stroke.
However, he was able to compose a poem that he sent to Edmund Beales
(1803-1881) Chairman of the Reform League, for their forthcoming meeting
at the Agricultural Hall, Islington, on 11 February 1867. As a
chartist Arnott had of course supported those activities promoting manhood
suffrage and the ballot, and he continued now by the only means available
to him - through a poem:
The National Reform League,
A Song.
Written for the intended Great Reform
on Monday Demonstration,
February the 11th 1867.
Air "The days that we went gipsying."
By John Arnott, Somers Town.
-1-
All hail! Reformers of the League,
Ye Friends of Freedom hail,
Whose noble object is that base
Despotic power shall fail
Chorus:
That Working men shall be esteem'd,
No longer "vile and low,"
But have the Vote; and Praise the League
As marching on we go.
-2-
The League it will not can not fail
To raise the very low,
And fit them in the social scale
As Men who duties know.
Chorus: For Working men etc.
-3-
The League has made the Tories quake
By amalgamating mind
Into such full force that very soon
They irresistable will find
Chorus: For Workingmen etc.
-4-
Ye "thousands of" The Reform League,
Concentrate all your Powers,
Your foes are strong your cause is just
(The front of battle cowers);
Be firm United one and all,
The Prize is Liberty,
Tell the Tories now that they must bow
That Men will soon be Free.
Chorus: For Working men etc.
-5-
So sure as winds the billows dash
Across the foaming Sea,
Orbs still roll on and Natures works
In harmony agree;
So shall this glorious cause Progress
It can not will not fail,
And with such Champions as Beale and Bright,
It must it shall prevail.
Chorus: For Working men etc.
John Arnott
(a Poor Paralysed old Chartist)
1 Equity Buildings
Somers Town N.W.
Janry 16th 1867 *
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* (Acknowledgements to Bishopsgate Library, Bishopsgate Foundation and
Institute. Ref: Howell/11/2D/131).
The meeting in Islington commenced with a march from
Trafalgar Square, and was represented by a countrywide number of Trade
Union and Reform League Branches carrying banners and accompanied by brass
bands. The Times of February 12, p.12 reported that there
were no fewer than 30,000 - 60,000 persons in attendance. During the
meeting a group called 'The Reform League Minstrels' chanted verses that
had been printed, and were then distributed at a penny each, but there is
no record of Arnott's poem being made available at the meeting.
On 28 April 1868, John
Arnott was admitted to St Pancras Workhouse probably from his and his
wife’s residence, at Equity Buildings, Somers Town. He died shortly
afterwards on the 6 May of ‘Paralysis’ [a term for a stroke, at that
time], aged 69. His occupation was given as Shoemaker Journeyman.
St Pancras Workhouse
held between 1,500 and 1,900 inmates, of which 200 occupied sick wards, 60–70 were lunatics and idiots, and about 1,000 were helpless infirm and
aged. (Illustrated London News, 3 October, 1857).
John Arnott was buried
on the 12 May in St Pancras Cemetery, High Road, East Finchley, grave no
47, section 10J. The grave was a ‘communal’ (pauper’s) grave, and there is
no headstone.
Reports of his
activities from the Northern Star show that throughout his ten
years with the National Charter Association and other associated
organisations, he was well liked and respected for his impartiality.
This was a sad ending
for one of the Chartists’ relatively undistinguished but ardent
supporters who had reached the peak of the Chartist Administration.
Two years after John
Arnott’s death, his wife, Sarah Arnott, died on the 17 February 1870 age
71 of ‘Senile Decay’. She was still living at 1, Equity Buildings, Somers
Town. The informant—who made her mark—was Eleanor Arnott,
daughter-in-law, (wife of Arnott’s son, Benjamin) of 41, Middlesex Street,
Somers Town.
In his tour of the
area, Charles Booth in 1898 wrote of Equity Buildings as a queer little
paved cul-de-sac; low one storey two-roomed cottages, with a little wash
house and yard behind; been done up during last year; doors open straight
into room; many of the houses appeared to be very full of furniture; rents
from 6/6 to 7/-.
Equity
Buildings are marked on large scale maps of the period. Now
redeveloped, it was between what is now Ossulston Street and Polygon Road,
with the entrance in Phoenix Road. See the 1863 map below:
Of interest to Genealogists, I append details of a
few of John Arnott’s children:
1871
census.
No Arnotts listed at 41 Middlesex Street. 21
Middlesex Street, Alfred Arnott, 47, Shoemaker. Eliza Arnott (wife) 45.
Charles, 21, Carman. Eliza, 15, Shop girl. Willie, 4.
1, Phoenix Street, St Pancras. Edwin Arnott,
brother, 30, Upholsterer. Emma Arnott, sister, 34, Shoe-binder. Emily A.,
neice, 10. Phoenix Street was near Equity Buildings where Sarah Arnott
died in 1870.
1881
census.
6, New Street, Chelmsford (The King William the
4th Inn). Benjamin Arnott, lodger, 51, Hawker. b. Chesham.
13 George Street, St Pancras. Edwin Arnott, 40,
Upholsterer. Sarah Arnott, wife, 41, b. Cleeve, Glos. Ben Etheridge,
visitor, 7, b. Mitcheldene, Glos.
22
March 1890.
Eleanor Arnott, wife of Benjamin Arnott,
Roadsman, died age 62 of Acute Bronchitis at 29 Chalk Farm Road. Daughter,
M. Arnott.
11
January 1908
Benjamin
Arnott, 77, formerly a Hawker, of 43 Little George Street, St Pancras,
died of Bronchitis on 11 January 1908, at St Anne’s House, Streatham Hill.
St Anne’s
House was a branch of St Pancras Workhouse for some 500 aged and infirm
men.
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References:
A History of the
Working Men’s Association from 1836 to 1850. George Howell, 1900.
Frank Graham, Newcastle, 1970.
A Memoir of Thomas
Martin Wheeler, by William Stevens. John Bedford Leno, 1862.
Charles Booth’s notes
for his Life and Labour of the People of London, a selection digitised –
and online – by the London School of Economics.
Illustrated London
News, as cited.
Ragged London in
1861, by John Hollingshead. Smith, Elder. Dent, 1986.
St Pancras Workhouse
Admissions Register, London Metropolitan Archives, ST/P/DG/160/001.
The Chartist Land
Company, by A.M. Hadfield. David & Charles, 1970.
The National Charter
Association and its role in the Chartist movement, 1840–1858, by John
Richard Clinton. M.Phil. thesis, Univ. Southampton, 1980. This is a useful
work to use in conjunction with the main works on Chartism.
The Northern Star
for the dates cited.
The Times, as
cited.
Further information of
the period from Harney’s Red Republican and Friend of the People.
But for a wider range of opinion, it is necessary to consult the main
published works on Chartism and other radical newspapers of the time.
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Acknowledgements: Linda Hull for document
research.
――――♦――――
MR. JOHN
BEDFORD LENO.
An article appearing in
THE COMMONWEALTH,
October 6, 1866.
John Bedford Leno is the eldest son of John and Phœbe
Leno, and was born at Uxbridge, on June 29, 1826. His mother kept a dame
school and from her be acquired his earliest educational training. His academical
course finished at the borough free school, at the early age of eleven.
Up to this period the family income had been regular, if not large, some
12s. per week, if we have been correctly informed. For this
munificent sum, John Leno the elder, wore the badge of slavery alias
the livery of his master, displayed a pair of calves (that exhibited no
signs of the rinderpest) and powdered his hair, till that near the
crown, with a dignity in keeping with its position, walked off and never
returned.
The particular circumstances, though somewhat comical, that caused Mr.
Leno, senior, to let go the sheet anchor, are barely worthy of record. Suffice it to say, they culminated in a determination to quit service
for
ever, a determination which he heroically kept. The heraldic trimmings
were secretly removed by the subject of this brief sketch, and for
months young Leno was rich in buttons.
From eleven to fourteen, he fought his way as best he could as cow-boy,
rural postman, &c. His early ambition is proclaimed by the fact, that
about this period, he climbed a greasy pole for a new white hat, and was
within an ace of reaching it, when the angry voice of his father bade
him descend — that he kicked and wore the stockings at Hillingdon fair
on the ensuing year, and fought and made a draw with Paddy Hardy, the
boy
champion of the town, who was some years his senior.
It so happened that the office of post master, was held by Mr. William
Lake, printer. While acting as post-boy, his conduct won him the good
opinions of his master, and this resulted in an offer on his part to
teach him
the business without a premium, the first and last ever so taught by the
Caxton of his native town. This was probably the turning point of young
Leno's life, for he was thus placed in contact with men of far more than
averaged scholarship, and moreover, became a great favourite of Mr.
Henry Kingsley, a gentleman well known as possessing an extraordinary
fund of information and a mind rarely equalled. Here, moreover, he could
fairly revel in light literature, Lake's library being known for its
completeness in this department, and by way of change, stow himself away
in the old warehouse, where cartloads of unsaleable books were rotting
away.
Here he studied "fistiana," through the pages of the Gentleman's
Magazine, and song literature by the accumulation of centuries. The
elder Disraeli's curiosities of literature and Barnum's museums would
sink into
insignificance could the contents of this strange warehouse ever be made
known. Residues of unsold pamphlets, illuminated missals which had been
discovered by the stripping of old books, in which the still older
materials had been used up, a model barrel made by a convicted murderer,
by trade a cooper. His salary during the period of apprenticeship,
ranged from 3s. 6d. to 10s. weekly. He left home during the second year
of
his apprenticeship and managed to live for two years unaided on 4s.
during the first and 4s 6d. during the second year. Within a few days of
the close of his apprenticeship, his master became bankrupt, and, after
waiting vainly several weeks for a settlement of his master's affairs,
he was compelled to go abroad in search of work. In consequence of the
collapse of the railway mania, hundreds of printers were thrown out of
employment, and both town and country may be fairly said to have been
overrun by them. The result was, that he tramped thousands of miles,
with no other income save that derived from gifts made by the trade and
the halfpence collected from those who thought his effort as a singer
worthy of encouragement. In 1848, he returned home disheartened and
penniless. His friends suggested the propriety of a benefit at the Town
Hall,
and the result was that both rich and poor attended, and nearly £50 were
collected by the transaction. With this he bought press and type and in
conjunction with Gerald Massey, a brother poet, Edward Farrah, a
shoemaker, and Mr. George Redrup, started a political journal under the
title of The Uxbridge Spirit of Freedom. This journal attracted the
attention or Mr. William Howitt, Mr. J. W. Linton, and received the
highest and
encomiums from the London press. The town clergyman, however, held other
notions respecting its contents, and poured forth the vials of his wrath
on its youthful conductors.
At length advances were made to both Massey and Leno, which induced them
to join the Christian Socialists in their endeavour to foster
co-operative action on the part of working men. Massey joined the
working
tailors of Castle-street, and J. B. Leno, the working printers, of
Pemberton-row. Both took an active part in the political movements of
the day and in the columns of the Christian Socialist, and the reports
of the public
journals may be found good evidences of their efforts in behalf of the
political enfranchisement of their own order and the amelioration of
their social condition. At the breaking up of the co-operative
societies, J. B. Leno
once more sought employment as a journeyman. This continued for some two
years, when he had an offer of employment at Boston, in the United
States. To get there he sold everything he possessed, but when about
starting he received a letter, which somewhat modified the original
agreement. Before any understanding could be arrived at, a portion of
the money he had realised had vanished, and it was evident that the rest
would
soon follow, if something was not done. In this extremity, he determined
once more to start as a master printer. By perseverance and the kind
assistance of the late Thomas Martin Wheeler, and his brother George
William, he surmounted his difficulties.
Hitherto we have said little, respecting those persuits which have
entitled him to this biographical notice. We will briefly state that for
years, he has been a recognised prose contributor to democratic
journals — among
which may be mentioned, The Spirit of Freedom, The Future,
The Christian
Socialist, The Workman's Advocate, The Commonwealth, &c.
When Eliza Cooke retired from the Dispatch newspaper, the editor availed
himself of the contents of a small volume he had issued under the title
of Herne's Oak, to supply the weekly instalments of poetry. His
"Song of
the Spade," first published in the Dispatch, attracted the attention,
and excited the warmest praise of Capern, the Bideford postman, who, on
a friendly visit to the author, proclaimed it one of the best labour
songs ever
written. His 100 Songs of Labour (of which a new edition will speedily
be forthcoming) sold extensively among the labouring portion of his
countrymen, and we are told that several of the songs have become
exceedingly
popular in the Great American Republic.
The following independent criticism places his merits as a song writer
beyond all doubt. Ernest Jones, in reviewing them, said that the "Song
of the Spade was equal to the lyrics of Mackay." In Lloyd's he was
called
"The Burns of Labour." By Reynold's the "Poet of the People," while the
Athenæum, devoted two of its pages to a highly favourable review of
a
penny issue.
The words, with the music by Mr. John Lowry, of several, may be obtained
at 282, Strand, price 6d. His later and more ambitious efforts have a
never yet been presented to the public in a collected form. Mr. Leno is
also known as a the writer of essays on the Nine Hours Movement, on
Female Labour, &c.
His activity in all movements in which he has a been engaged is
invariably recognised, and the estimation in which he is held by his
colleagues, in the present agitation for Reform, may be guaged by the
position he
occupied on the poll for the Executive Council, which will be found in
another portion of our paper. Mr. Leno, is now in his fortieth year, and
we trust he will live on to enjoy the high opinion in which he is held.
This notice would be far from complete did we not present our readers
with a poem. Hence we conclude with the following picture of a Crowded
Court, the original of which may be found within a few yards of his own
dwelling.
THE CROWDED COURT BELOW.
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As I gazed from out my window on the crowded court below,
Where the sunshine seldom enters and the winds but seldom blow,
I behold a flow'ret dying for the want of light and air,
And I said, "How fares it, brothers, with the human flow'rets
there'!"
By and bye I saw a little hand stretched through a broken pane,
"I have brought thee," cried a little voice, a "cupful of God's
rain;"
But rain alone would not suffice to raise its drooping stem,
And I thought of those who dwelt below and longed to succour
them.
On the morrow, ere the noontide, as I wandered down the court,
Through a brood of little children, flushed alone by ruddy
sport,
I drew a little girl aside and bade her tell to me
The name of those who dwelt within the cottage numbered three.
With little bright eyes sparkling through her flaxen, unkempt
hair,
She answerers "I will tell you; there are many living there!"
And saintly with her nimble tongue she ran the whole list
through,
I gave the child a penny, and she curtseyed and withdrew.
Let those on Mercy's errands bent be never turned away!
There was fever raging all round those children in their play;
And in the little stifling room, outstretched upon the bed,
The sister hands to that I saw were lying cold and dead.
I called the flow'rets friend to me, and kissed her pallid brow;
I longed to bear her far away, where healthful breezes blow;
She told her tale of heartfelt grief as innocence can tell;
I never heard a tale so sad in sorrow told so well.
Toll, toll the bell! another and another has been slain!
No more shall I behold that hand stretched through the shattered
pane
They bear her to a sunny spot, where myriad flowers bloom—
The spot that should have been her home is chosen for her tomb!
But what of those yet left behind within that sunless court?
Shall they be left till Death shall come and end their childish
sport?
And she with flaxen, unkempt hair, with bright eyes all a-glow—
Shall she, like others, perish in the crowded court below? |
―――♦――― |