THE LONDON & BIRMINGHAM CANAL
While the London & Birmingham Railway was under construction the
Grand Junction Canal Company found itself facing another potential
competitor, and from an unexpected quarter ― a competing canal.
But before touching on this potential interloper it is worth
mentioning a slightly earlier scheme that appears to have grown out
of a general dissatisfaction with both the charges (including
‘compensation charges’) and the transit time between Birmingham and
the terminus of the Grand Junction Canal at Braunston. This
was the ‘London & Birmingham Junction Canal’:
“At a meeting of the Coal and Iron Masters held at the Hotel in
Dudley, on Monday, the 11th day of February, 1828, on the subject of
the proposed London and Birmingham Junction Canal . . . . that the
present tonnages on the iron and coal, navigated upon the canals
between Staffordshire and London, and intermediate places, are
higher than they reasonably ought to be, and the rates exacted from
the public under the plea of compensations, merely for passing out
of one canal into another, are unjust and oppressive.
Resolved. That this Meeting . . . . consider the making of
such a canal to be a measure entitled to their cordial support,
inasmuch as it will be of important benefit to the iron and coal
trades of this district, by affording a much more expeditious and
direct conveyance to London, at a considerable reduction of freight,
and by relieving the public from the exactions to which they have
been so long subjected. . . . . after a comparison of Parliamentary
and other charges on existing lines, it is calculated that a saving
of 2s 6d per ton will be effected in the freight of coals carried
from Staffordshire to the line of the Grand Junction Canal, and a
saving of 5s per ton in the freight of iron, grain, general
merchandize passing between Braunston and Birmingham.”
The Times, 21st February
1828
Surveyed by Telford, the proposed canal was to commence at a point
on the Stratford-on-Avon Canal about ten miles from Birmingham,
then, following a 20-mile pound, form a junction with the Oxford
canal near Braunston. The promoters claimed the scheme would
reduce the number of locks between Braunston and Birmingham by 57
and shorten the Birmingham to Coventry journey by 18 miles (and 36
locks). But the scheme failed when it was discovered that its
subscription list had been fraudulently inflated to make it appear
there were more subscribers than was the case. It does,
however, serve to illustrate the dissatisfaction in terms of cost
and delay with the Braunston to Birmingham route ― when later faced
with railway competition, the canal companies on that section needed
to reduce their charges significantly (between 2s 6d and 5s per ton)
in order to retain trade.
While the London & Birmingham Junction Canal did not pose a commercial
threat to the Grand Junction Canal Company, the next canal scheme
to appear did, for the ‘London & Birmingham Canal’
was intended to bypass the Grand Junction Canal altogether and, by
taking advantage of the latest developments in canal engineering,
halve the journey time from Birmingham to London. This
canal was to start at Lapworth, on the Stratford-upon-Avon Canal,
then following a line via Banbury, Brackley and St. Albans, terminate on the Regent’s Canal. The scheme’s proprietors
claimed that this would reduce the number of locks between
Birmingham and London by 120, which implies that much of the route
was planned to be on the level and would therefore require
considerable engineering in the form of embankments, cuttings and
tunnels, much in keeping with what would later be expected of a railway:
“The proposed Navigation will possess all the improvements of the
best modern canals; where tunnelling is necessary, two tunnels, with
a towing path under each, will be made; the sides of the Canal will
be walled, and the greatest of all modern improvements, the double
towing path, will be carried throughout the whole line. . . . By the
proposed route, goods will be delivered in London in 32 hours,
instead of 70 by the existing route. The saving in freight 20s per
ton.”
Jackson’s Oxford Journal,
26th March, 1836
By this date construction of the London & Birmingham Railway was
well advanced and there was insufficient interest to finance a new
waterway, particularly on such a grand scale. The original
proposal was then pared down. The line from Birmingham would
“terminate at or near the south end of a certain Tunnel called
the Blisworth Tunnel” (nicely understated), thereby “avoiding
the enormous lockage, and the imperfect structure of the Warwick and
Birmingham, and Warwick and Napton Canals, and the unjust
compensation tolls now paid to the Oxford Canal Company at Napton.”
The amended scheme also came to nothing, leaving the Grand Junction to face the impending onslaught from the London & Birmingham
Railway.
――――♦――――
RAILWAY COMPETITION
The Grand Junction Canal Company had a reasonably firm business
foundation. Besides forming part of a direct transport link
between the Midlands and the Capital ― the only canal to do so ―
much canal-side business was developing along the Uxbridge to
Norwood section and on the Paddington Arm, while the adjoining Regent’s
Canal provided an important link with the City and the London Docks. Unlike many other canals, the
Grand Junction did not depend heavily on one
particular local trade, such as coal, but carried a variety of goods
ranging from short distance loads of agricultural produce ― especially hay and straw to sustain the Capital’s horse-powered
traffic ― to long distance consignments of coal, salt, pottery, glass
and other manufactured goods. London was expanding at this time and
in need of stone, timber, lime and bricks (many brickfields sprang
up in the Hillingdon area to meet this demand) together with sand and
gravel from the pits along the line. And when the brickfields and
sand pits were worked out they were in-filled with barge loads of the
city’s refuse. Return cargoes from London included manure, ashes
(used in brick manufacture) and imported goods from the London
docks. A summary of trade on the Canal was given during the
House of Lords committee stage of the London & Birmingham Railway
Bill in June 1832, during which one canal trader predicted that the
waterway would loose all the quick (fly-boat) trade to the Railway
together with revenue of some £97,000 p.a. (see
Appendix).
In 1836, the Company earned its peak annual revenue of £198,086,
undoubtedly boosted by the construction materials it was then
transporting to create its new neighbour, with whom a freight price
war was soon to begin. Following the opening of the Railway in
1838, the Company reduced its tolls; tonnage
rose in response, but the increase was insufficient to compensate
for the price reduction and the Company’s fortunes fell into decline. Data submitted to the Select Committee on
Railways and Canals Amalgamation in 1846 shows the extent of the
reductions, per ton, between London and Langley Mill in Derbyshire,
a route for which the Company had been able to reach tariff
agreements with the other canal companies along the line:
STATEMENT
of Reduced TONNAGE of Canals from London
to Derbyshire, showing the advantages which the Public
have derived by Competition between Railroads and canals.
Tonnage on the
under-mentioned Line of canals. |
|
Rates which they were entitled to under their Acts to
Charge, & which they did charge. |
Reduced
since 1836 to: |
|
GJC, 97 miles: |
|
|
N.B.—No general and scarcely any partial reduction
could be brought about until competition was established between the
railways and canals. |
On Sundries |
16s 3¾d |
2s 0¼d |
On Coal |
9s 1d |
2s 0¼d |
|
|
|
Grand Union, 24 miles:
|
|
|
On Sundries |
6s 0d |
5½d |
On Coal |
2s 11d |
5½d |
|
|
|
Old Union, 19 miles:
|
|
|
|
On
Sundries |
4s 9d |
5½d |
|
On
Coal |
2s 1d |
5½d |
|
|
|
|
|
Leicester Nav., 16 miles:
|
|
|
|
On Sundries |
2s 6d |
4d |
|
On Coal |
1s 2d |
4d |
|
|
|
|
|
Loughboro’, 10 miles:
|
|
|
|
On Sundries |
2s 6d |
4d |
|
On Coal |
1s 2d |
4d |
|
|
|
|
|
Erewash, 11 miles:
|
|
|
|
On Sundries |
1s 0d |
4d |
|
On Coal |
1s 0d |
4d |
|
In
presenting these figures to the Select Committee, the Company’s
Chairman, Sir Francis Bond Head, made some observations on the price
advantage to be had in canal amalgamation, where this could be
achieved:
Q – Do those canals of which you have now given a list, with the
prices, form one chain of navigation?
A – We have, as regards tolls, practically speaking, amalgamated
with those canals, and the result has been very extraordinary.
Q – Do you think that those canals were able to make those great
reductions in their charges in consequence of their coming to an
amalgamation?
A – They have made those reductions, and other lines of canal with
which we are connected have declined to join us, and the consequence
has been that on the distance from London to Leicester, which is 139
miles, the whole tonnage is 2s 10¾d per ton, while the whole tonnage
from London to Birmingham, which is 144 miles, amounts to nearly
7s., showing the difference between the prices on the amalgamated
and non-amalgamated lines of canal . . . . from the cheap
amalgamated line our tonnages in money have increased from £6,000 to
£15,000 and £17,000 a year; whereas from the non-amalgamated lines,
which have kept up the high tonnages, our receipts have diminished
from £80,000 to £41,000. [1]
Second Report from the Select Committee on Railways
and Canals Amalgamation (1846)
And so the Company faced railway competition with the added
impediment that, by keeping up their charges, other canal companies
on the Braunston to Birmingham line (the Oxford and the Warwick canals)
were reducing the competitiveness of long haul canal transport over
the entire route. By comparison, the London & Birmingham
Railway Company’s domain extended between those two cities, leaving its
directors free to determine their freight charges, which could be
cross-subsidized from their passenger account if necessary.
By 1844, Grand Junction Canal Company shares had fallen from their
peak of £350 in 1824, to £155; dividends from 13% in 1832 to 5% in
1849, after which they remained around the 4% mark until the
formation of the Grand Union Canal Company in 1929.
Spurred on by the impending railway competition, the Company also
embarked on a programme of service and engineering improvements.
Restrictions on night traffic were lifted, and in 1835 the Stoke
Bruerne flight of locks was duplicated to relieve congestion.
In 1836, the locks between Stoke Hammond and Marsworth Top Lock (the
Tring summit) were
also duplicated by the addition of narrow locks, the aim
being to quicken the progress of narrow boats travelling singly
which, when water was in short supply, were obliged to await a
partner in order to fill a broad lock. Water supply to the
Tring summit was also improved in 1839, when the largest of the
Tring Reservoirs, Wilstone No. 3, was opened. A further
improvement to water supply was made shortly after with the opening
of a line of back-pumping stations between Fenny Stratford and
Marsworth.
In 1846, the London & Birmingham Railway amalgamated with the Grand Junction Railway and
the Manchester & Birmingham Railway to form the London & North
Western Railway Company, the largest joint stock company in the
United Kingdom. There followed mounting concern that the
increasing railway dominance of the canal network was acting
contrary to the public interest. The Grand Junction’s then Chairman,
Thomas Grahame, summarized the position:
“This competition which commenced in 1831 (when the Liverpool and
Manchester Railway was opened), was, till the year 1845, carried on
under great disadvantage by Canal Companies. While Parliament
conferred on Railway Companies full power to act as carriers on
their own and adjacent lines of Railway to vary their charges in
order ‘to accommodate them to circumstances;’ and while Railway
Companies obtained the most ample powers to enter into permanent
agreements as to working and traffic on connecting lines of rail
fixing for a term of years or leasing to each other the tolls
exigible on their respective lines, these privileges were absolutely
denied to Canal Companies. This unjust and one sided system of
legislation has proved most prejudicial to the interests of the
public. Deprived of power to combine for self protection many
Canal Companies entered into contracts with competing Railways
sacrificing for a fixed dividend not only the just rights of
connecting navigations but the interests of the public by conceding
a monopoly of transit to the contracting Railways.”
Correspondence between the Board of Trade and T.
Grahame, Esq. Published London, 1852.
――――♦――――
THE CARRYING ESTABLISHMENT
Prior to 1845, canals were not subject to general legislation but
were regulated by the provisions of their individual private Acts.
The Canal Carriers Act (1845) was the first general canal
legislation, its aim being to place the independent (i.e. not
railway controlled) canal companies on a more equal business footing
with the railways. But the Act was both too late and flawed, for a railway company that had already acquired an interest
in a canal could redefine itself as a ‘railway and canal company’
and by this means take advantage of provisions in the legislation
that had been intended to operate against railway dominance.
But the Act did contain one provision that was to affect the
Company’s business. Although it was not specifically precluded
from acting as a common carrier, its right to do so (and that of
many other canal companies) was unclear in law. The 1845 Act
removed any doubt about canal companies being able to act in this
way [2] and to offer complementary services . . .
.
“. . . . for the better enabling them so to do, to purchase,
hire, and construct, and to use and employ, any number of boats,
barges, vessels, rafts, carts, waggons, carriages, and other
conveniences, and also to establish and furnish such haulage,
trackage, or other means of drawing or propelling the same, either
by steam, animal, or other power, or for the purpose of collecting,
carrying, conveying, warehousing, and delivering such goods, wares,
merchandise, articles, matters, and things, as to any such company
or undertakers shall seem fit . . . .”
This change to the law was followed in 1847 by Messrs. Pickford &
Co. withdrawing from long-distance canal carrying. This firm,
whose roots extend back to the 17th century (making it one of
Britain’s oldest companies), came to specialize in transporting
goods between Manchester and London by road. By the end of the
18th century it had also become an established canal carrier, and as
the canal network grew, so did the extent of its operations.
The completion of the Coventry and then of the Grand Junction canals
saw the firm’s carrying service reach Paddington Basin, and a service to
Leicester commenced in 1814 with the completion of the (old) Grand
Union Canal. The Regent’s Canal, opened in 1820, provided
Pickfords with a terminus ― the City Road Basin ― much nearer
to the
heart of the Metropolis, and here the firm established its
headquarters.
In 1817, Joseph Baxendale joined the firm, which during the depression
following the Napoleonic Wars had reached the verge of bankruptcy.
He brought with him two partners and the capital needed to develop
Pickfords into a carrier operating on a national scale. Baxendale was endowed with much drive and determination, as well as
being a skilled manager and accountant:
“. . . . when he began his career as a carrier, the highways of
the country were to a great extent little better prepared for
traffic than the worst of our cross-roads are now. To conduct
the business thoroughly relays of horses for the fly vans were as
necessary as for the ordinary coaching traffic of the time, and
equally so for the fly boats which traversed the canals: to this a
large staff of energetic, well-paid agents had to be added, and to
these the working labouring body, a small army of itself.
Hours on hours were withal occupied on the transit of goods which is
now effected by rail in a fraction of the time.
In the conduct of the business his energy and judgment were equal to
the necessity. Night after night he traversed the roads in his
special travelling carriage, on the look-out to see that none of his
employees slackened in their duty, as often as not passing by
by-roads so as to double back on the drivers, who in consequence
never knew whether he was before or behind them; so, general
vigilance thus became the rule of all.”
The Times, 6th January,
1873
Baxendale foresaw the impact that the railways would have on the
freight business, and in 1847 moved the firm away from long-distance
canal carrying to concentrate on rail freight. [3]
The firm retained its premises at City Road Basin and continued to
handle some lightered goods between the docks, City Road, and their
Camden Depot, but its use of canal transport was greatly reduced.
In that year Thomas Grahame replaced Sir Francis Bond Head as
Company Chairman, a change that was probably brought about by
differing boardroom opinions over whether the Company should enter the
canal carrying trade as permitted by the 1845
Act. Under the new leadership a wholly-owned subsidiary, the Carrying Establishment, was
created, the Board regarding the Company’s
entry into canal carrying as “an act of self preservation”.
To fund this development further capital was raised by the sale of
£104,550 of 6% preference shares, part paid, the first call raising £26,137.
Bryan Pagett Gregson was
appointed General Manager of both the Carrying Establishment and the Canal.
He set up a formidable carrying organisation, taking over the
canal businesses of Messrs Pickford & Co. and Wheatcroft & Co. among
others, thereby providing the new Carrying Establishment with depots
in Birmingham, Dudley and Wolverhampton on the Birmingham Canal
Navigations. The Company entered the carrying trade on 1st
December 1847, having made arrangements to facilitate ‘through traffic’ at mutually advantageous rates
of toll with the Oxford ― for once being co-operative ― Coventry,
Warwick & Napton, Warwick & Birmingham, Grand Union and the
Leicestershire & Northamptonshire Union canals. The new firm’s advertising proclaimed daily fly-boat services from
Paddington to Leicester, Loughborough, Derby, Burton and Nottingham,
the carriage charges including collection, delivery and reasonable
warehousing. It was also planned to recommence daily fly-boat
services to Manchester and Liverpool in the New Year, routes on
which traffic had ceased following Pickford’s withdrawal from the
trade.
Although the Carrying Establishment undoubtedly stemmed the haemorrhage
in revenue caused by Pickford’s withdrawal from the business, it never produced the expected
returns. During its first six months of operation carrying
commenced between London and Manchester, and between London and
Derby, Leicester and Nottingham. According to the half-yearly
report, trading results were no more than “satisfactory”.
In the case of Manchester, “a considerable portion of the trade
had been restored”, while on the second route “there was steady
progress”; no mention is made of the planned Liverpool service.
Carrying had so far been confined to Manchester and to the midland
counties, and the Company’s efforts to gain new business carrying coal
and other heavy traffic appears to have alarmed at least one London
& North Western Railway Company shareholder, whose correspondence
with the Chairman of the newly formed railway company was
subsequently published:
“. . . . a rival [to the LNWR] started into existence
where none had been calculated. The Canal Companies having had
a foretaste of what was in store for them, applied to and obtained
permission from Parliament to become Carriers on their own account ―
a privilege which up to that time they had not possessed. The
result has been that the Grand Junction Canal Company, to preserve
itself from destruction, is competing for the Goods traffic between
London and the North, at rates so low that the Railway Company
cannot venture to touch them, much less to drive the Canal Company
as competitors from the field. When this unseemly strife will
end no man can foresee. Life and death are in the balance so
far as the Canal Company is concerned; excessive loss in character
and fortune in as far as the Railway Company is affected. . . . The
London and North Western Railway Company as you are aware is at the
present time carrying goods from London to Manchester at 40s per
ton! The Grand Junction Canal Company are doing the like by
Canal at 30s per ton! As both undertake to collect and deliver
without extra charge the real fact is that the Railway charge is 30s
per ton the Canal 20s per ton the difference 10s being the cost of
collection and delivery.”
Letter to George Carr Glyn Esq. MP, Chairman of the
L&NWR Company,
from John Whitehead (London, 15th November). Published London, 1848
[4]
By June 1849, the Company was able to report that canal trade was
improving and that carrying was increasing ― for the six months
ending in December, 1848, 521,783 tons of merchandise were
transported generating revenue of £41,095 ― but that after meeting
operating expenses, further setting up charges and the 6% dividend
due on the preference stock, canal carrying turned in a loss.
The Chairman’s report does not dwell on its extent, but warns
shareholders that the outturn from carrying did not represent new
business, but retained business that might otherwise have been lost:
“Nothing short of the company taking the conveyance of goods into
their own hands could have prevented a large portion of that revenue
from being abstracted from the Canal; because private carriers, by
whom the trade was formerly conducted, have neither the means of
meeting the competition of powerful railway companies, nor
sufficient permanent interest in the canal to induce them to make
the sacrifices necessary to do so with effect.”
But on another important front, aggressive railway competition had
subsided ― for the time being:
“The committee are happy to say that competition between the
North-Western Railway Company and the canal has, by recent
arrangement, been confined within legitimate bounds; and they have
reason to hope that it will not be renewed in a hostile spirit or
form.”
Address to the half-yearly General Meeting of the
GJCC, June, 1849.
By the end of the year the shareholders were being advised that the
carrying business continued to extend, and that coal and other heavy
traffic . . . .
“. . . . has recently exhibited indications of revival.
Great savings in the carriage of coal by water have been affected by
the company; and the fact is beginning to be known that many of the
inland coals are no whit inferior in quality to the seaborne, while
they possess some peculiar advantages, besides being considerably
cheaper in price. The demand upon the committee for the means
of bringing these coals to the London market have lately being more
than they have been able to comply with . . . .” [5]
Address to the half-yearly General Meeting of the
GJCC, December, 1849.
The half-yearly report goes on to explain that some reorganisation
of the carrying department was necessary to separate it from the
management of the canal and its works, and that Gregson had agreed
to continue as Canal Manager at a reduced salary. A
replacement would be found to manage the carrying operation “at
an expense smaller than the proportion of salary relinquished by Mr.
Gregson”. Gregson appears to have left the Company’s
service in 1850 [6] to return to the Lancaster
Canal, where he completed his long canal career in the role of
Secretary.
――――♦――――
RAILWAY PRICE WARS
In 1846, the Birmingham Canal Navigations allied themselves to the
London & Birmingham Railway [7] and, following the
railway merger in that year, with the newly formed London & North
Western Railway. The Act authorising this alliance specified
that the London & North Western would rent the Birmingham canal
system in exchange for a guaranteed 4% p.a. dividend, which the the
Railway would make up from its own resources if necessary.
Subsequently, under railway control, canal tolls were increased on
this section of the through route to the north.
An outcome of this canal/railway alliance appears to have been
that by 1852, the “arrangement” that had existed
between the Grand Junction Canal and London & North Western
Railway companies had lapsed, and hostilities had recommenced. In
referring to the Railway’s control of the Birmingham canals, the
Grand Junction‘s Chairman, Thomas Grahame, had much to complain
about:
“From a link in the chain of water communication connecting the
important district of Birmingham and its vicinity, Staffordshire,
Worcestershire, and the North, with London and the South, the
Birmingham Canal has been converted into a barrier to that
communication. The tolls exacted on that navigation are
imposed in the view of extinguishing traffic, not of obtaining
revenue. Were the tolls on the other Canals forming the water
route from the Birmingham district and beyond to London and the
South, the same as on the Birmingham Canal, all transit by the water
route must be at an end . . . . The tolls which they thereby
obtained power to perpetuate on the lines of the Birmingham Canal
are in many cases double and treble the entire freight chargeable on
the rival and parallel Railway route.”
Correspondence between T. Grahame Esq. and the Board
of Trade, London, 2nd April, pub. 1852
By August, 1853, the Morning Post was able to report that
“the Grand Junction Canal, notwithstanding the rivalry of two lines
of railway between Birmingham and London [i.e. the London &
North Western and the Great Western railways], was seldom or ever
so fully employed as at the present moment”. The
smouldering price war was soon to reignite, probably at the
instigation of the Grand Junction, which was attempting to attract
the South Staffordshire coal trade. At the February meeting of
London & North Western shareholders, a complaint was raised that the
railway company’s directors were pursuing every means of increasing
their traffic regardless of whether it resulted in profit. In
particular, that their rivalry with the Grand Junction was such that
each was carrying goods at such reduced rates that neither could
make money:
“The Grand Junction Canal Company have announced that from the
8th of this month the rates on all class of goods to and from London
and Birmingham will be 20s. per ton. The rates charged by both
railway companies to London have hitherto been 27s. 6d. per ton, and
to Liverpool 20s.; by the Grand Junction Canal to London 25s. 10d.
An old competition, which it was expected was mutually abandoned,
has thus been revived.”
The Times, 14th
September 1857
But the price war extended beyond these two competitors. The
London & North Western was also in hot competition with the Great
Western Railway for the Birmingham freight trade, their Goods
Manager informing the press that he had been instructed to offer
reduced rates comparable to those of the Great Western “however
low these rates may be”. By the beginning of 1858, the
damaging terms on which each party was doing business were such that
normality had to be restored:
“One source of competition, however, in the South Staffordshire
districts, which arose from the Grand Junction Canal Company having
lowered their rates and diverted a large portion of the trade to
water conveyance, while the two railway companies were charging
agreed higher rates of freight, has been already terminated.
The rates between South Staffordshire and London have been again
raised to a scale which will admit of moderate profit to the
companies without impeding the full course of the traffic . . . . No
efforts will be spared to mature and give effect to those
arrangements, as well as to carry forward in a liberal spirit other
negotiations tending to secure traffic at remunerative rates,
without hostile competition.”
The Times, 11th February
1858
――――♦――――
THE BRENTFORD DOCK RAILWAY
In 1859, the Company lost a useful source of revenue with the opening
of the 4½-mile branch railway between Southall and Brentford Docks.
The problems that the Great Western Railway needed to overcome
typifies the drawbacks of canal transportation ― slowness, drought,
and ice, added to which in this particular case were the
costs of railway to canal transhipment and canal tolls:
“Hitherto all the heavy traffic upon the Great Western Railway
destined for the Port of London has left the main line at
Bull’s-bridge, whence it has been taken down the Grand Junction
Canal to Brentford. For a long time past the means of transit
thus afforded have proved quite inadequate for the greatly increased
traffic which the opening up of the Welsh coalfields and the
connexion of the Great Western line with Birmingham . . . . and
other places have brought upon it. Between Bulls-bridge and
Brentford there are upon the canal no fewer than 11 locks, and the
delay which these occasioned was enhanced in winter by frosts and in
summer by droughts. The tonnage dues also were heavy, and all
these circumstances affected very prejudicially the goods and
mineral traffic upon the trunk line. These considerations led
to the construction of the new railway and dock, which were
yesterday opened for public traffic.”
The Times, 16th July
1859
――――♦――――
OTHER LINES OF BUSINESS
While the railways were slowly but inexorably soaking up the
Company’s established business, new opportunities did open up from
time to time, one being leisure. Boat excursions on the Grand
Junction Canal were not new, and sketches from the Canal’s early
days show parties setting out from Paddington Basin. Whether
these trips were regular summer offerings and whether they had any
material impact on Company revenue is not known, but they did on
occasions attract the attention of contemporary commentators:
“The adaption last summer of one or two of the barges for
pleasure boats to take parties for excursions on the Paddington
(Grand Junction) Canal was found to be so palatable to the larger
body of the respectable working classes who patronized the
speculation, that this summer the number of such pleasure boats has
been increased, and, aided by the material advantage of genial
weather, the canal . . . . has become quite a pleasure stream, and
the scene which presents itself at Paddington . . . . by the arrival
and departure of parties of these pleasure trips down the canal, is
of the most lively and cheering character. The barges are
entirely devoted to the purpose, and furnished with seats covered
and ornamented, and being gaily decorated are not unsuitable
vehicles for the enjoyment of the parties, who include hosts of
respectable women and children, who, with their provisions and other
adjuncts, avail themselves of the novel means of making water
excursions several miles from the metropolis.”
The Times, 11th July
1849
A leisure
cruise leaving Little Venice, Paddington, 1840
Another writer, who could not help but observe that canals were a
thing of the past, added an interesting social perspective to his
view of this piece of commercial acumen:
“The glory of the first public Company which shed its influence
over Paddington has in a great measure departed; the shares of the
Grand Junction Canal Company are below par, though the traffic on
this silent highway to Paddington is still considerable; and the
cheap trips into the country offered by its means, during the summer
months, are beginning to be highly appreciated by the people, who
are pent in close lanes and alleys; and I have no doubt the
shareholders’ dividends would not be diminished by a more liberal
attention to this want.”
Paddington Past and Present,
William Robins (1853)
An entirely new source of revenue to appear at this time ― and one
that continues to the present day ― was that of leasing wayleave to
telecommunications companies to erect their telegraph circuits along
the towing paths.
A form of electric telegraph developed by Cooke and Wheatstone
received its first public demonstration in 1837 using a line set up
between Euston and Camden stations, the test being witnessed by none
other than the railway’s Chief Engineer, Robert Stephenson. By
1846, The Electric Telegraph Company had set up in business to
provide overland telegraph services and it was soon followed by
competing companies among which was The United Kingdom Telegraph
Company. Formed in 1860, this company attracted business
through its flat-rate charge of 1s., irrespective of distance, for a
twenty-word message. It soon acquired the sobriquet ‘The
Shilling Telegraph’, although this was misleading, for message
collection and delivery charges could more than double the 1s.
transmission charge:
“The construction of new lines of telegraph proposed by the
United Kingdom Telegraph Company was commenced yesterday at Acton.
The first sod was cut, and the first pole erected, by the directors
of the company. This company proposed to adopt the system of
uniform charges, on the principle of the penny postage; messages of
not more than twenty-five words are to be sent between all the
principal towns and cities in the United Kingdom at the uniform
tariff of one shilling. From Acton, the telegraph lines will
be carried along the road to Oxford; thence the wires will be
carried on posts along the canals, the proprietors of which have
given the requisite permission for setting up the poles on their
land. The principal towns to be provided for by the new
telegraph company will be, in the first instance, Oxford,
Birmingham, Manchester, Liverpool, Sheffield, Leeds, and Hull,
including, of course, some of the smaller towns which lie between
the more important places of business on the route, the line
followed being principally that of the existing canals. The
telegraph will be aerial, and not subterranean, experience having
proved that wires supported on posts can be more generally relied
upon for efficiency than those which are laid underground; where
convenient to do so, the wires will be carried on the house-tops.”
Morning Chronicle, 20th
November, 1860
Following a challenge in the courts from its competitors, the
‘Shilling Telegraph’ was prevented from laying its trunk cables
beneath public highways and had to resort to conveying them along canal towing paths.
In later years, lines of telegraph poles disappearing into the
distance were to become a common
feature in canal-side photographs.
|
Telegraph poles
stretching off into the distance in Tring cutting.
A fibre
optic cable now lies beneath the towpath. |
During its first year of operation (1861), the telegraph company installed
circuits between Liverpool and Manchester, and London and
Birmingham. Their line between London and Birmingham followed
the Grand Junction Canal from Brentford to Braunston, with circuits
to Leicester and Northampton following the towing paths of those
waterways. From Braunston, the line followed the Oxford and
Warwick canals, and the Birmingham Canal Navigations. The
circuits to Manchester and Liverpool departed along the Birmingham
Canal Navigations to join the Trent & Mersey Canal, and then
followed the Bridgwater and the Leeds & Liverpool canals, the tails
into the city centres extending from the canals’ terminal basins.
Circuits were also laid into the London docks along the Paddington
Branch and the Regent’s Canal.
However, the public became increasingly discontent with the
limited accessibility, frequent delays, poor transmission quality
and high charges of the privately run telegraph networks generally,
and the government decided to act. Under the Telegraph Acts of
1868 & 69, the overland telegraph companies were nationalized, the
Postmaster General taking (monopoly) control on 28th January, 1870.
However, the wayleave agreement with the Grand Junction Canal
Company remained in force:
“On such Acquisition as aforesaid the existing Agreements between
the Company of Proprietors of the Grand Junction Canal and the
United Kingdom Telegraph Company (Limited) shall determine, and the
Postmaster General shall have a perpetual Right of Way for his
Poles, Wires, and Telegraphic Apparatus over the whole of the Canal
Company’s System of Navigation as it now exists, or may hereafter be
altered or converted, but so that such Poles, Wires, and Apparatus
shall not interfere in any way with the Convenience and working of
the Canal or its Alteration from Time to Time, or Conversion in
whole or in part into a Railway, or obstruct the working of the
Traffic thereon, and in consideration thereof he shall pay to the
Canal Company such Sum by way of yearly Rent as shall be determined
by Agreement . . . . and the Postmaster General shall also transmit
to their respective Destinations all Messages of the said Canal
Company bond fide relating to the Business of that Company between
any Places in the United Kingdom free of Charge.”
Extract from the Telegraph Act (1868)
The clause “or Conversion in whole or in part into a Railway”
provides an interesting insight into the prevailing view of the
future of canals.
Canals continue to carry telecommunications circuits. During
the 1990s, British Waterways entered into new telecommunication
wayleave agreements, the outcome being that many hundreds of miles
of inter-city fibre-optic circuits now lay buried beneath Britain’s
canal towpaths.
――――♦――――
STEAM PROPULSION
Another hoped-for boost to revenue adopted by the Company during the
1860s, was the use of steam power to move greater loads more
quickly, thus improving
competitiveness with the railways.
The use of steam power on canals dates back to the early years of
the nineteenth century, when a stern-wheel paddle tug, the
Charlotte Dundas, designed by William Symington, was
demonstrated on the Forth and Clyde Canal. At the time, canal
banks were not protected by walls or sheet piling, and fears that
the wash from powered craft would cause bank erosion ended the
trial; indeed, this remained an obstacle to the use of powered craft
on canals for many years. But trials continued nevertheless.
On 29th September, 1826, the Tring Vestry Minutes record that
“The first steam boat passed down the Grand Junction Canal”.
Elsewhere, experiments with steam propulsion took place, which
despite its apparent advantages met with the usual civil engineering
objection, bank erosion. However, in 1838 a notable experiment
took place that departed from the impracticable ‘paddle wheel’
propulsion, utilising instead an early application of the ‘screw
propeller’ to a design by John Ericsson. [8]
Twin screw propellers were fitted to an ordinary canal boat, the
Novelty, which, on 28th June 1838 set off from London along the canals to
Manchester, later returning by way of Oxford
and the Thames:
“We have already stated that the Novelty is the hull of an
old canal boat. Her form, to those unacquainted with the build
of those boats, will be better understood when we state that her
length is about seventy-four feet, with seven feet six inch beam,
she is heavily constructed, and when loaded draws about two feet of
water. We noticed that her engine is high pressure, and of
four horses’ power, supplied with steam from a small locomotive
boiler. The boat is fitted with a species of paddles, already
described, but perhaps better known as Ericsson’s propellers, in
substitution of the side paddles of the old steamers — which are
constructed so as to propel without raising a surge injurious to
canal banks, and so as to pass through the narrow locks with ease
and safety — objects hitherto unattained, and deemed impracticable .
. . . During the trip no injurious ripple was produced by the
propellers; but where the water was shallow, a ripple, caused by the
displacement of water by the boat, followed midway, and considerably
impeded her progress. With deeper water her speed accelerated,
and on the Thames she is said to have achieved a rate varying from
eight to nine, and even up to and exceeding ten miles per hour. . .
. It is perhaps premature to speculate on the great revolution which
the success of this experiment, and the consequent adoption of steam
power on canals would occasion . . . . are of course contingent on
the success of the mechanical invention, in its application to
canals, and on the degree of cordiality with which canal proprietors
approve of a change which some of them may imagine (whether justly
or not we do not affirm) will cause greater wear and tear to their
property than to which the ordinary mode of horse towing at present
subjects them.”
Manchester Guardian,
18th July 1838
Although nothing came of the experiment, it served to demonstrate
the considerable advantages in practicality and efficiency of screw
propulsion over paddle wheels. [9]
The Guardian’s report is also interesting for describing the
effects of shallow water on speed. Hydrodynamics is a branch
of physics that was only then becoming understood. To the
early canal engineers, determining the dimensions of a new canal was
simply a matter of providing sufficient depth for full loading and
sufficient width to permit a pair of barges to pass. But a
barge that moves with little clearance above the canal bed, and/or
about its sides, is unduly affected by hydraulic drag. Its
movement creates a reverse flow of water that must take place in the
confined space between the barge and the canal bed and banks, which
increases the resistance to motion. Hence, for a given motive
power, a barge in the confines of a narrow and shallow canal moves
more slowly than it would in a wide and deep canal. Drag is
particularly affected by anything that serves to reduce a canal’s
depth, such as shoals (i.e. the need for dredging), drought
and leakage. Thus, when depth is reduced by a comparatively
small amount, for example from 4.0 to 3.9 feet, the corresponding
drag on a barge drawing 3.5 feet is increased by about 25 percent.
The next notable steam propulsion trial on the Grand Junction Canal
took place in December 1851. Recognising that higher speeds would increase the drag inherent in a narrow channel ―
and would also increase bank erosion ― an alternative strategy was
to harness the steam engine’s ability to sustain tractive effort by
hauling much heavier loads, but at the usual horse-dawn speeds of 2
to 2½ mph. And so a further experiment was carried out on the
lockless section of the Canal between Bull’s Bridge and Paddington
by a steam-powered tug hauling a train of eight barges laden with
bricks. The outcome was that a speed of 2¼ mph was attained
“without exciting the slightest wave or perceptible disturbance in
the water”. When repeated the following day, the test met
with equal success, the Times correspondent reporting that
“it was universally admitted that much benefit to canals must result
from the adoption of this economical motive power; from it the heavy
traffic, now seriously menaced by railway competition, must equally
derive great and immediate advantage”. Despite this
apparent success, the Company’s adoption of steam power was anything
but immediate and further tests took place during the 1850s, but
without a decision being reached.
From a slightly later era to that
being discussed, the Steam tug Buffalo at Bushell
Brother’s boatyard at Tring.
The
Buffalo is known to have been owned by William Mead & Co., a
family that leased wharves at Paddington
and owned interests in the
brickfields at Iver, so she may have been used for hauling barge
loads of bricks on the Long Level to Paddington’s South Wharf. In his
autobiography, John Mead refers to her purchase ― “We heard that
the Birmingham Carrying Company had 2 tugs for sale, the Antelope
and the Buffalo. The Canal
foreman was against having these, but
the price was low and we bought them, and they were a success.” Mead
is vague on the date of this transaction, but it appears to have been around 1898. |
Towards the end of 1859, the Company’s Chairman and Surveyor visited
the Leeds & Liverpool and the Forth & Clyde canals to examine their
use of steam tugs. They gained a favourable impression in
consequence of which the Company decided to fit an existing canal
barge with a 6hp steam engine. On trial, the Pioneer
proved capable of towing six barges of total weight 300 tons.
It was claimed that she and her butty could travel from London to
Birmingham and half way back on a full bunker of coal (2½ tons), and
at a cost 25% below that of towing by horse. So satisfied was
the Board, that in December 1860 they placed an order for “three
new iron boats, three new wooden boats with iron sterns and three
new wooden boats with iron sheets at the stern all fitted with steam
engines and screws similar to those in Pioneer . . . . that there be
built two iron tug boats of greater power for the purpose of
conveying the trade on the Canal to and from Paddington and Cowley
Lock” [10] ― the differing hull designs
probably resulted from there being no precursor on which to base a
reliable design, which had to be derived by trial and error.
Because the Carrying Establishment’s cash resources were unlikely to
cover the cost of construction, arrangements were made with Praed &
Co., the Company’s bankers, to advance up to £4,000 for the purpose.
By June, 1863, the Chairman was able to report that the Carrying
Establishment had twenty-four steamers and three tugs at work, and
it was hoped to increase the number to “enable them to dispense
with the use of horses on the Grand Junction Canal, as well as to
convey its traffic on the River Thames with greater despatch and
economy”.
|
The eventual
development of the steam narrow boat.
‘President’ was built in 1909 by Fellows Morton and
Clayton at their dock at Saltley, Birmingham.
The boiler and bunker took up space, and the plant
required the attention of an engineer. |
Although steam power soon became established, the Carrying
Establishment remained a substantial owner of horses. At the
beginning of 1870 they owned 140, which the half-yearly report
claimed where being fed according to a plan devised by the General
Omnibus Company, which resulted in a saving in provender of £4 per
horse per annum and that “the Company’s horses were in much
better condition than previously”. Economies were also
being made in the way boatmen were paid, which changed from a per
trip basis to one based on the tonnage carried. This, it was
hoped, would encourage them to pick up “all the traffic they
could along the canal”.
――――♦――――
THE END OF THE CARRYING ESTABLISHMENT
On 2nd October, 1874, a disaster occurred that brought the Company’s
carrying business to a sudden end. In the early hours of the
morning a train of six barges left the Company’s wharf in City Road
Basin on the Regent’s Canal drawn by the steam tug Ready.
Third in the line was the barge Tilbury, carrying among other
items a quantity of petroleum and some five tons of gunpowder, most
of it being in barrels but some was contained in a box. When
passing under the Macclesfield Bridge the Tilbury blew up killing
her crew of three and causing extensive damage to nearby property,
fortunately mitigated by the blast being deflected by the small
cutting in which the explosion occurred. It was thought that
an oil lamp might have ignited petrol vapour that had gathered in
the hold.
Initially the Company decided to contest liability for the
damage, but having lost a court case it was resolved that “the
damage done to property be admitted and that parties claiming
compensation be called upon to send in particulars for investigation
with a view to settlement”. Claims amounting to £80,000
were made, which were settled with the aid of a £40,000 loan from
Praeds, the Company’s bankers.
Macclesfield Bridge ― known as ‘Blow-up Bridge’ ― on the Regent’s Canal,
the site of the great explosion on 2nd October, 1874.
The great Doric iron columns are the originals. |
If the Regent’s Canal explosion was not sufficient, on 21st
September 1875, the boiler of the steam tug Pincher, moored
at Yardley Wharf near Stony Stratford, blew up killing both
engineers, badly injuring the master and wrecking the steamer, which
sank. The Pincher, on her way from
London to Birmingham laden with 13 tons of potash and towing a train
of five boats, had stopped at Yardley Wharf to discharge grain. She had been lying there for about an hour when the
explosion
occurred ― its cause was never established.
In March 1876, the Company resolved to discontinue its carrying
trade, which ceased from 1st July. The Carrying
Establishment’s assets were sold to, among others, The London and
Staffordshire Carrying Company, the proceeds of this sale (£2,352)
probably going towards paying off the £5,000 outstanding to Praeds,
whose account was settled in October, 1877. And so the Company
withdrew from a business that they could not turn into a success,
but which others did.
The London and Staffordshire Carrying Company was later absorbed into Fellows, Morton & Clayton (often referred to as
FMC), which became England’s largest and best-known canal carrier.
FMC’s roots go back to 1837, when James Fellows, then an agent for a
canal carrier, set up in business on his own account.
Following Fellow’s death in 1854, his widow continued the business
until her son Joshua was old enough to become a partner. By
1855 the firm was transporting 13,000 tons of iron castings
annually between London and Birmingham, and by the early 1860s the
fleet numbered some 50 boats. In 1876, Joshua Fellows was joined by
Frederick Morton who brought with him the capital necessary to
expand the business, the company then becoming Fellows Morton & Co.
In 1889, Thomas Clayton joined the firm, which then became Fellows,
Morton & Clayton Ltd. As part of the deal, Clayton’s general
cargo fleet [11] was taken over by FMC, whose
fleet now numbered some 11 steamers and 112 butties. The firm
had their own dockyards at Saltney, Birmingham, where their steamers
were built, and at Uxbridge, which specialised in wooden
construction.
By 1920, the FMC fleet had grown to 21 steamers (then
being phased out), 25 diesel-powered narrow boats and 162 other
craft. Following WWII, canal business declined sharply due to
road and rail competition. In 1947 the firm experienced their
first ever trading loss, and in the following year the directors
decided to place the firm into voluntary liquidation, [12]
its assets being sold to the newly formed Docks and Inland Waterways
Executive of the British Transport Commission.
――――♦――――
CANAL LEGISLATION
The Canal Carriers Act (1845) had cleared the way for canal
companies to become common carriers. More legislation was to
follow during the latter part of the nineteenth century aimed at
preventing the railway companies exploiting their increasingly
monopolistic position as freight carriers. In an attempt to
curtail the railway companies’ ability to damage their canal
counterparts, thereby strengthening their virtual monopoly, several
Acts included provisions designed to remove the obstacles to ‘through
working’ across a number of different canal systems.
The Railway and Canals Traffic Act (1854) addressed mainly
railway-related problems, but so far as canal carrying was
concerned it aimed to check the railways’ gradual stifling of canals by placing an obligation on canal companies “to afford all
reasonable facilities for the receiving and forwarding, and
delivering of traffic” without delay, to and from their canals.
This provision sought to end the practice whereby a monopoly
operator could deal unfairly with some customers. It applied
particularly to canal companies that were either owned or controlled
by a railway company, and which owned short sections of much longer
through routes over which they could charge unreasonably high tolls.
But as “reasonable” was open to interpretation, the provision
was easy to avoid, thus rendering the Act (within this context) of
little consequence.
The 1854 Act was followed four years later by further legislation
aimed at preventing, without legislative sanction, the virtual
amalgamation of canals with railways. It addressed the
situation whereby a railway company ― that was also a ‘canal company’
by virtue of having previously purchased a canal ― from acquiring
control of an independent canal company under a lease, rather than
by outright purchase.
In 1873 a further Railway and Canal Traffic Act created the ‘Court
of the Railway and Canal Commission’ whose role was to enforce the
1854 Act, and it set out the duties of the Commissioners. This
Act gave to either party in a dispute between a railway and a canal
company the right to refer the dispute to the Commissioners for a
decision, and provided explanations for determining what
constituted ‘reasonable’ action. It also prohibited railway
companies from making agreements with canal companies for the
purpose of controlling tolls, rates or traffic on any part of a
canal and, with regard to railway-controlled canals:
“Every railway company owning or having the management of any
canal or part of a canal shall at all times keep and maintain such
canal or part, and all the reservoirs, works, and conveniences
thereto belonging, thoroughly repaired and dredged and in good
working condition, and shall preserve the supplies of water to the
same, so that the whole of such canal or part may be at all times
kept open and navigable for the use of all persons desirous to use
and navigate the same without any unnecessary hindrance,
interruption, or delay.”
Although very late in coming, this potentially onerous requirement
was one that canal-owning railway companies had not anticipated when
they entered the canal business.
The year 1894 saw yet a further Railway and Canal Traffic Act.
This legislation further constrained railway dominance over the
canal trade by making it difficult for freight charges to be
increased once they had been lowered. In effect, the Act
removed a strategy employed by railway companies, which was to
exploit their ability to cross-subsidize freight charges from
passenger revenue and hence to undercut canal charges artificially
until such time as the lower charges had destroyed a competing canal
company. The railway company could then restore rates to the
previous levels. But the Act was too late in coming, for the
railways’ damage to the independent canal system was by then
complete:
“No traffic can get out of the centre of England without
encountering railway-owned or controlled canals, e.g. South
Staffordshire Iron Traffic arises on the Birmingham Canal, and if
destined for Liverpool, must pass by the Shropshire Union or Trent
and Mersey Canal, whilst the Cannock Coalfield has no means of water
transit but the Birmingham Canal, the North Staffordshire Pottery
District and Burton-on-Trent have only the Trent and Mersey Canal,
whilst traffic from the Warwickshire Coalfield is hemmed in, except
to London, by the Birmingham and Trent and Mersey Canals, all
railway owned or controlled.”
Digest of the Report and Recommendations of the Royal
Commission on Canals (1913)
The canal companies’ attempts to attract long-distance trade can be
illustrated by comparing the tolls charged by the Grand Junction and
associated canals on the London to Birmingham route, as authorised
in their Acts, with the amounts actually charged, which show the
significant reductions in toll that the independent canal companies
had made in order to attract through trade:
Grand Junction
Canal (101 miles) – toll per ton: |
|
Authorised: |
Actually charged: |
Bricks: |
8s
4½d |
7d |
Timber: |
14s 9½d |
7d |
Grain: |
16s 10¾d |
2s 6d |
Iron: |
14s 4¾d |
1s 8d |
Oxford Canal (7
miles) – toll per ton: |
|
Authorised: |
Actually charged: |
Bricks: |
4s
4d |
3d |
Timber: |
4s 4d |
3d |
Grain: |
4s 4d |
3d |
Iron: |
4s 4d |
3d |
Warwick & Napton
Canal (15 miles) – toll per ton: |
|
Authorised: |
Actually charged: |
Bricks: |
1s
10½d |
7½d |
Timber: |
1s 10½d |
1s 3d |
Grain: |
1s 10½d |
1s |
Iron: |
1s 10½d |
7½d |
Warwick &
Birmingham Canal (22 miles) – toll per ton: |
|
Authorised: |
Actually charged: |
Bricks: |
2s
9d |
7½d |
Timber: |
2s 9d |
1s 3d |
Grain: |
2s 9d |
1s |
Iron: |
2s 9d |
7½d |
Birmingham Canal
– railway controlled - (allowance for 10 miles) – toll per
ton: |
|
Authorised: |
Actually charged: |
Bricks: |
1s
2d |
1s
2d |
Timber: |
1s 2d |
1s 2d |
Grain: |
1s 2d |
1s 2d |
Iron: |
1s 6d |
1s 6d |
Report
of the Parliamentary Select Committee on Canals (1883) – Appendix 14 |
By
comparison, the figures for the Birmingham Canal illustrate the
stifling effect that this railway controlled canal was having on
London-bound traffic ― indeed, on all traffic passing through
Birmingham ― its tolls being significantly higher in pence per mile
that those of the independent canals along the route.
Another measure of the decline of long distance traffic on the Grand
Junction Canal was the amount of coal shipped into London from the
Midlands and North of England by canal and railway respectively.
The tonnages for the period between 1852 and 1882 show that the
Grand Junction’s share of this trade fell dramatically, which is
especially significant, for coal originally comprised a large
percentage of all canal traffic:
|
1852 |
1882 |
By canal |
33,000 tons |
7,900 tons |
By railway |
317,000 tons |
6,546,000 tons |
From the Report of the Parliamentary
Select Committee on Canals (1883) |
When the Royal Commission on Canals sat in 1906, the figures
they were presented with for the weight of coal being shipped
into London were, by rail 7,137,473 tons (45.6%); by sea
8,494,234 tons (54.3%); by canal 18,681 tons (0.119%); and
overall for the period 1880 to 1905, 0.1% of the coal shipped to
London came by canal (rail and sea sharing almost equal
proportions of the balance).
――――♦――――
GEORGE SMITH AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS
|
Interior of a narrow boat’s cabin,
from the door. |
In 1878 and in 1884, legislation appeared aimed not at regulating
the commercial aspects of the canal carrying trade, as had earlier
Acts, but the lives of those who manned the boats and for whom they
were their home. The person whose name is linked indelibly
with the Canal Boats Acts is the Wesleyan social reformer George
Smith.
“During the whole of my enquiries among the boaters I
only remember in one instance being subjected to anything
like an insult from the boaters themselves, and that was at
Moira one Saturday, some three years since, by a woman who
was almost big enough to fill the cabin herself;
notwithstanding this, she managed to pack somehow and
somewhere a big husband, a poor little cripple and three
other children in the cabin, so as to be able to dine at a
small cupboard door 2 feet 6 inches by 2 feet, and to sleep
in a place not large enough for a cottager’s hen-roost.
She found fault with me for saying that they were dirty, and
wore dirty linen and washed in and drank out of the dirty
‘cut.’ It was then four o’clock, and raining very
heavily, and she was washing the clothing for the Sunday,
and the children partly dressed camping round a fire on the
path. I asked her how she was going to dry the clothes.
Her answer was, that she was ‘going to light a fire in the
middle of the hut to dry some of them, and the rest I shall
hang before the cabin fire, to dry while we are asleep.’
I pointed out to her what the colour of the clothes would be
after they had been ‘smoked,’ and the danger she was running
with reference to their health by drying the clothes in the
cabin while they were asleep in bed. Hinting these and
a few other things to her in a kindly spirit, and a few
pence given to the children, easily made us friends, and we
have been friends ever since.”
Our Canal Population,
George Smith (1875)
|
Interior of a narrow boat’s cabin,
from the bed. |
Smith was born Tunstall, Staffordshire, on 16th February 1831.
The son of a brick-maker, it was while working as a child labourer in the
appalling conditions of the brickyards that fired Smith’s social
conscience. Self-educated, he campaigned tirelessly for
conditions to be improved, eventually succeeding in 1871 with the
passage in the Factories and Workshops Act, [13]
which required brickyards to be inspected and which regulated the
employment of juvenile and female labour. By then Smith had
risen to the position of colliery manager, but his refusal to
relinquish social campaigning cost him his job, and years of poverty
were to follow.
Despite this misfortune, Smith next turned his attention to living
conditions on canal boats. Families had lived on the canals
from their earliest years, particularly on the larger boats and
where trade involved journeys that usually took many days to
complete, but the pay was good and boatmen’s families mostly lived
ashore. Living afloat became more common following the
Napoleonic Wars and the advent of the railways, both events leading
to a fall in earnings. Economies could be made if the family
moved into the narrow boat’s rear cabin (10 ft. long by 6 ft. 10
ins. wide) and helped to run it. And so entire families came
to exist in the inadequate confines of a canal boat cabin, with
limited toilet and washing facilities, and with a nomadic lifestyle
cut off from the developing influences of the outside world,
particularly those of health and education:
“Some of the canal cabins are models of neatness and a man and
two youths might pass a few nights in such very comfortably.
Others are the most filthy holes imaginable, what with bugs and
other vermin creeping up the sides, stinking mud finding its way
through the leaky joints at the end to the bottom of the cabin and
being heated by a hot stove, stenches arise therefrom to make a dog
sick. In these cabins fathers, mothers, sisters and brothers
sleep in the same bed at the same time. In these places girls
of 17 give birth to children, fathers of which are members of their
own family.”
Our Canal Population,
George Smith (1875)
Bearing in mind the nature of some of the cargoes carried ― such as
manure, night soil [14] and council rubbish ―
vermin infestation was hardly surprising. Such conditions
alone led to disease, added to which boat people washed in, cooked
with and often drank canal water polluted with excrement dumped from
the boats and other sources. Smith, motivated by his strong
Methodist ideals, wanted children ― boys under 13, girls under 18 —
removed from the over-crowded and sometimes insanitary canal boat
cabins. He also wanted each canal boat to be registered for
the number, age and gender of the occupants it could accommodate
and for children to reach a certain standard of education before
being allowed to enter the canal carrying trade. His
persistent campaigning eventually bore fruit, and on 1st January
1878, the first Canal Boats Act [15] became law.
The Act required every canal boat that was to be used as a dwelling
to be registered “with some registration authority having a
district abutting on the canal on which the boat is accustomed or
intended to ply”. The registration certificates issued
under the Act contained various details about the boat, how it
should be marked as being registered, and “the number, age
and sex of the persons allowed to dwell in the boat”. In
determining the latter, account was taken of “the cubic space,
ventilation, provision for the separation of the sexes, general
healthiness, and convenience of accommodation of the boat”.
And so the Act attempted to address moral issues as well as those
concerning hygiene and the spread of infectious disease:
“During the past four weeks two registered canal boats have been
conveying smallpox to different parts of the country. In one
case a boatwoman with two children were left at Leighton suffering
from this terrible disease, and the boatman continued his course to
this district, when another child, suffering from the same malady,
was ‘put off’ and sent to Leicester. A few days later the
doctor pronounced another child that was in the cabin ill of the
same complaint, but the boat moved on. In the case of the
other boat, two children were left at Berkhamsted ill of small-pox,
and the boat, with two children in the cabin, moved forward to
Staffordshire. If the time should ever come when the Canal
Boat Act Amendment Bill I am humbly promoting, and which has been
before Parliament during the last two sessions, becomes law, such
cases as the above will be impossible; and the 60,000 canals and
gipsy children of school age growing up in black midnight ignorance
will have been put upon a step that leads from darkness to light,
and from hell to heaven, with but little cost or inconvenience to
either boatmen or boat owners. Shall it be so?”
George Smith, of Coalville, 28th March 1883
The Act also attempted to ensure some degree of education by
bringing children under the provisions of the various Education Acts
then in force, but as canal families were a nomadic population its
educational aspirations could not be implemented effectively in
practice. The Act was flawed in other ways. It contained
nothing to regulate the use of child labour and its implementation
was left to local authorities who did so with varying degrees of
enthusiasm.
Teatime
In 1884, an amendment Act passed into law that attempted to address
these problems. It provided for canal boats to be inspected by
sanitary authorities under a centrally appointed Chief Canal Boat
Inspector, allowed for penalties to be imposed for violations of the
Act, and gave regulation-making powers to the Education Department.
The Local Government Board accepted responsibility for the Canal
Boat Acts, but with extreme reluctance.
While failing to satisfy Smith’s objectives, the Acts went some way
to reducing overcrowding and setting a minimum standard of
accommodation and sanitation that was enforced by fairly regular
inspection. It undoubtedly resulted in some improvement in the
social condition of canal boat families, although at the expense of
breaking up larger family groups, for to bring the number of
occupants on a boat within registration limits, ‘surplus’ children
had to be farmed out to other canal boat families who had spare
living space.
Three establishments were set up on the Grand Junction Canal where
some education was provided. The first was set up at Brentford
in 1904 by a religious organisation, the London City Mission:
“For many water families, the Boatmen‘s Institute on the Grand
Union Canal‘s west London terminus at Brentford was a beacon, where
the children could be left for weeks at a time to get the rudiments
of an education as the parents took loads to Birmingham and back.
The place even had lying-in rooms where women could give birth in
relative dignity. For one old boatman, it was ‘the happiest, blessedest place in Brentford’.”
The Independent, 12th
May, 2004
The Mission also administered a further school
at Paddington . . . .
“A scheme for the extension of the existing facilities for the
education of canal-boat children, who come to London by barge from
many parts of the country, has this week been finally approved by
the committee responsible for the conduct of the Boatman‘s
Institute. For the past nine years a school has been carried
on at the Institute in South Wharf-road, Paddington, but the
building is now to be demolished to make room for a new medical
school in connection with St. Mary‘s Hospital. Suitable and
more commodious premises have been secured for the purpose in Irongate Wharf-road. There are 90 children at present on the
school‘s roll, but when the new accommodation is available it is
expected that that number will be quadrupled.
The problem of the education of barge children is of long standing.
The conditions of barge life have made the children the despair of
the attendance officer. The progress made by children
attending the present school has, however, been remarkable.
When it was first opened it was rare to find a child, or even a
grown-up person, the canal community who could read or write.
Now, especially among the older children, illiteracy is rarely
found.”
The Times, 20th
December, 1929
To these were added the barge-based school, the
Elsdale, at Bull’s
Bridge.
But isolation ― perhaps alleviated to some extent by the later arrival of
wireless ― and a high incidence of illiteracy among canal families
only disappeared with the end of canal carrying.
――――♦――――
APPENDIX.
Evidence given before a committee of the House of
Lords
sitting on the first London and Birmingham Railway Bill,
June 1832.
Appendix to Railway Practice, by S. C. Brees (1839)
MR. WILLIAM
PARTRIDGE,
Canal Carrier of Thirty four Years Experience.
“I have been engaged 20 years in trading between Birmingham
and London, (and from Birmingham, Worcester, Shrewsbury, and
Bristol).
There are three Routes by Canal to London, one by Worcester and
Birmingham, one by Stratford and Worcester, and another round by
Coventry. The Fly Boats go the shortest route, and are three days
and nights on the journey; the Slow Boats are six or seven days, and
they seldom travel at night.
The shortest route to London is taking the whole line of the
Worcester and Birmingham Canal, which goes into the Warwick and
Knapton, and only seven miles on the Oxford; the Heavy Boats
generally go by the Fazeley, which is the longest route, as the
Birmingham Canal Company allow them to pass on to Fazeley, to a
certain place where the Oxford Canal charges the same for going 40
miles as the others do for going seven, which makes it cheap.
The number of Fly Boats which start from Birmingham every week is
25, and the average tonnage of each boat is about 15 tons up and 8
tons down; they sometimes carry from 18 to 19 tons. The number of
Slow Boats that start from Birmingham weekly is about 30, an the
average number of tons conveyed by them is 23 up and 5 down.
The Cargoes conveyed to London, consist of all the Manufactured
Goods of the neighbourhood, as Nails, Vices, Anvils, Chains,
Agricultural Implements. These are charged 40s. a Ton which is a
lower Rate of Tonnage and Freight than the other part of the Cargo,
which consists of Locks, Coach Pins, Screws, Sadlery, Ironmonger's
and Drysaltery Goods, Copper Furniture and Nails, Wire, and Wire
manufactured Goods, Iron and Paper Trays, Fenders, Fire Irons, Guns,
Swords, and Army Stores, Glass Lamps, Bronze Goods, Steel and other
Ornaments, Ivory and Bone Toys, Plated Goods, Carpets, &c. The
Freight of these light Goods is 55s. The heavy goods are put at the
bottom of the Boat, and the light goods on the top.
The Cargoes from London to Birmingham consist principally of Wines
and Spirits, Grocery, Saltpetre, Tallow, and Mercery Goods, and the
principal portion of it is Colonial Produce. The average price of
the above is 40s. per Ton (the steerage is generally calculated on
the back carriage).
The Slow Boats convey from Birmingham to London Iron Work, Water and
Gas Pipes, Grain, at an average Rate of 22s. 6d per Ton. The Cargoes
brought from London to Birmingham consist of Timber, Grain, and
Foreign Iron for the manufacture of Steel; the average Freight of
which is 26s. 6d.
Goods are likewise conveyed by Canal conveyed by from the
intermediate places, and large supplies of Coals are thrown on the
Canal, some at Warwick and Fazeley, on the different routes, and
some at Branston (sic.). By these routes there is an immense quantity of
Hardware Goods, Earthenware, and Pottery Goods conveyed; also, Salt
from the Cheshire Salt Works, Cheese out of Cheshire and Derbyshire;
also, Manchester and Yorkshire Goods.
A Fly Boat occupies about three minutes in passing a Lock; there are
many Locks on this line of Canal. The Canals are generally stopped
about 14 Days, in the Winter and about a Week or 10 Days for Repairs
at Whitsuntide.
Taking the average of light Goods only by Fly Boats, I make it
amount to £68,250 up, and to £29,121 down, making altogether
£97,370. I think that the whole of the Goods that go by Fly Boats
will go by the Railway, and the heavy Goods, such as Pig and Bar
Iron, Timber, &c. will go by the Canal as they do now; so that the
Canal would lose £97,000 entirely.”
――――♦――――
MR. WILLIAM
SHORE
of Birmingham.
“There are three Lines of Canal between London and
Birmingham, viz. the Coventry Canal, by the way of Fazeley, which is
177 miles long; the Oxford Canal, by Warwick and Knapton, which is
152 miles long, and the Grand Junction Canal, by the Worcester and
Stratford Canal, which is about 155 miles long.
The number of Locks on the Fazeley Line are 150, on the Warwick 173,
and on the Stratford 161. A Fly Boat occupies minutes in
passing the Boat Locks, and five minutes the Barge Locks, and Slow
Boats pass in five minutes; so that 11½ hours are occupied by the
Fly Boats, and 14 hours by the Slow Boats, in passing all the Locks
the Fazeley Line. There are six Tunnels on the Fazeley Line, a
distance of four miles; on the Worcester there are six making,
making 4¼ miles. The Fly Boats making are occasionally delayed in
passing the Tunnels, owing to the heavy Boats getting in before
them.
Canals are generally stopped 14 Days upon an average during the
Winter; (persons who trade in heavy articles, such as Coals and
Iron, are obliged to provide against the same by laying in a large
stock) they are also frequently stopped during the Summer Months,
from Saturday Night until Monday Morning or Night.
Fly Boats complete the Journey in about three Days and three Nights,
and Slow Boats in about six or seven Days. The Tonnage on
heavy Goods, Coals and Iron, is 1d per Ton, and on general Goods 1½d
per Ton per Mile; in general per addition to which they charge 8d.
per Ton for passing the Blisworth Cutting, also 4d for going over
the Grass Road Valley, and 10s. for Permission to pass a Pair of
Boats at Night, and 10s. is charged for the same upon the Grand
Junction at Branston (sic.), where they also charge 1s 6d for
dragging the Boats through the Tunnel, which is done by two people,
and 2s. is charged for the same at Blisworth.
On the Warwick and Knapton Canal there is 17½ Miles of the Junction
to Oxford, for which they pay extra; the Grand Junction charge 18s.
for passing a single Boat from Branston (sic.) to Paddington,
and 21s. to the Thames at Brentford. I can judge from the
draught of water what weight a Boat carries.”
RATES OF FREIGHT TO LONDON |
Hardwares generally, in Casks or Cases |
|
3s. 0d. per
cwt |
Anvils |
|
2s. 9d.
» |
Vices |
|
2s. 9d.
» |
Chains |
|
2s. 9d.
» |
Frying Pans |
|
2s. 9d.
» |
Iron Hollow Wares |
|
2s. 9d.
» |
Smith's Bellows |
|
2s. 9d.
» |
Muskets, in Cases |
|
2s. 9d.
» |
Swords, in Ditto |
|
2s. 9d.
» |
Matchets, in Ditto |
|
2s. 9d.
» |
Nails, in Casks or Bags |
|
2s. 6d.
» |
Heavy manufactured Goods, generally |
2s. 6d. to |
2s. 9d.
» |
Ale per Barrel of Thirty six Gallons |
2s. 3d. to |
2s. 6d. |
N.B. Goods may be reckoned generally 3s. per Cent. cheaper from
thence to London.
RATES OF FREIGHT FROM LONDON |
Wines, in Cases or Hampers |
|
2s. 9d. per
cwt |
Spirits in Ditto |
|
2s. 9d.
» |
Tea |
|
2s. 9d.
» |
Coffee and Grocery, generally |
|
2s. 6d.
» |
Sugar |
|
2s. 3d.
» |
Soap |
|
2s. 3d.
» |
Drugs generally |
2s. 3d. to |
2s. 6d.
» |
Oils, Resin, &c. &c. |
|
2s. 3d.
» |
Dry Saltery, generally |
2s. 0d. to |
2s. 3d.
» |
Porter |
|
2s. 3d.
» |
Hops |
|
2s. 6d.
» |
Seeds |
|
2s. 6d.
» |
Candles, in Cases |
|
2s. 6d.
» |
Perfumery |
|
2s. 6d.
» |
Nuts, Oranges, &c. |
|
2s. 6d.
» |
Tobacco and Snuff |
|
2s. 6d.
» |
Drapery, generally |
|
2s. 6d.
» |
Hats |
|
2s. 6d.
» |
Wool |
|
2s. 9d.
» |
Pearl, Shell, in Casks, &c. |
2s. 0d. to |
2s. 3d.
» |
Barilla |
|
2s. 0d.
» |
Grain from Brentford, for Boat Loads |
1s. 0d. to |
1s. 3d.
» |
MR. JOHN
NORTON,
of Daintry.
“I was employed upon the Grand Junction Canal at Brunston (sic.)
for 14 Days, from six in the morning until six at night; the Number
of Fly Boats that passed during that time was 209, (the average
Weight of a Fly Boat is 10 or 11 Tons) and 80 Slow Boats, (some are
of 28 and some 30 Tons Burden) also 138 Coal Boats.
The Branston (sic.) Pound is a part of the Grand Junction
Canal where several other Canals meet, viz. the Oxford, the
Warwick and Knapton, the Warwick and Birmingham, and the Paisley and
Coventry. I merely took those that came from Oxford, and
entered the Junction right up the Line from Coventry, Wolverhampton,
and so on; I took all those that went towards London, whether they
came from Coventry, the Oxford, or elsewhere.” |